(December 1877). Russia was now called upon to restore
Kulja, China being in a position to maintain order. China
despatched Chung-how, a Manchu of the highest rank, who had
been notoriously concerned in the Tientsin massacre of 1870,
to St Petersburg to negotiate a settlement. After some months
of discussion a document was signed (September 1879), termed
Imperial consolida-
tion.
the treaty of Livadia, whereby China recovered, not
indeed the whole, but a considerable portion of the
territory, on her paying to Russia five million
roubles as the cost of occupation. The treaty was,
however, received with a storm of indignation in China.
Memorials poured in from all sides denouncing the treaty and
its author. Foremost among these was one by Chang Chih-tung,
who afterwards became the most distinguished of the
viceroys, and governor-general of Hu-peh and Hu-nan provinces.
Prince Chun, the emperor’s father, came into prominence at this
juncture as an advocate for war, and under these combined
influences the unfortunate Chung-how was tried and condemned
to death (3rd of March 1880). For some months warlike preparations
went on, and the outbreak of hostilities was imminent.
In the end, however, calmer counsels prevailed. It was decided
to send the Marquis Tseng, who in the meantime had become
minister in London, to Russia to negotiate. A new treaty
which still left Russia in possession of part of the Ili valley
was ratified on the 19th of August 1881. The Chinese government
could now contemplate the almost complete recovery of
the whole extensive dominions which had at any time owned
the imperial sway. The regions directly administered by the
officers of the emperor extended from the borders of Siberia
on the north to Annam and Burma on the south, and from
the Pacific Ocean on the east to Kashgar and Yarkand on the
west. There was also a fringe of tributary nations which still
kept up the ancient forms of allegiance, and which more or
less acknowledged the dominioi of the central kingdom. The
principal tributary nations then were Korea, Lu-chu, Annam,
Burma and Nepal.
Korea was the first of the dependencies to come into notice. In 1866 some Roman Catholic missionaries were murdered, and about the same time an American vessel was burnt in one of the rivers and her crew murdered. China refused satisfaction; both to France and America, and suffered reprisals to be made on Korea without protest. America and Japan both desired to conclude commercial treaties for the opening up of Korea, and proposed to negotiate with China. China refused and Korea and Japan. referred them to the Korean government direct, saying she was not wont to interfere in the affairs of her vassal states. As a result Japan concluded a treaty in 1876, in which the independence of Korea was expressly recognized. This was allowed to pass without protest, but as other nations proceeded to conclude treaties on the same terms China began to perceive her mistake, and endeavoured to tack on to each a declaration by the king that he was in fact a tributary—a declaration, however, which was quietly ignored. Japan, however, was the only power with which controversy immediately arose. In 1882 a faction fight, which had long been smouldering, broke out, headed by the king’s father, the Tai Won Kun, in the course of which the Japanese legation was attacked and the whole Japanese colony had to flee for their lives. China sent troops, and by adroitly kidnapping the Tai Won Kun, order was for a time restored. The Japanese legation was replaced, but under the protection of a strong body of Japanese troops. Further revolutions and riots followed, in which the troops of the two countries took sides, and there was imminent danger of war. To obviate this risk, it was agreed in 1885 between Count Ito and Li Hung-Chang that both sides should withdraw their troops, the king being advised to engage officers of a third state to put his army on such a footing as would maintain order, and each undertook to give the other notice should it be found necessary to send troops again. In this way a modus vivendi was established which lasted till 1894.
We can only glance briefly at the domestic affairs of China during the period 1875–1882. The years 1877–1878 were marked by a famine in Shan-si and Shan-tung, which for duration and intensity has probably never been equalled. It was computed that 12 or 13 millions perished. It was vainly hoped Domestic affairs, 1875–1882. that this loss of life, due mainly to defective commumcations, would induce the Chinese government to listen to proposals for railway construction. The Russian scare had, however, taught the Chinese the value of telegraphs, and in 1881 the first line was laid from Tientsin to Shanghai. Further construction was continued without intermission from this date. A beginning also was made in naval affairs. The arsenal at Fuchow was turning out small composite gunboats, a training ship was bought and put under the command of a British officer. Several armoured cruisers were ordered from England, and some progress was made with the fortifications of Port Arthur and Wei-hai-wei. Forts were also built and guns mounted at Fuchow, Shanghai, Canton and other vulnerable points. Money for these purposes was abundantly supplied by the customs duties on foreign trade, and China had learnt that at need she could borrow from the foreign banks on the security of this revenue.
In 1881 the senior regent, the empress Tsz‛e An, was carried off by a sudden attack of heart disease, and the empress Tsz‛e Hsi remained in undivided possession of the supreme power during the remainder of the emperor Kwang-su’s minority. Li Hung-Chang, firmly established at Tientsin, within easy reach of the capital, as viceroy of the home province of Chih-li and superintendent of northern trade, enjoyed a larger share of his imperial mistress’s favour than was often granted by the ruling Manchus to officials of Chinese birth, and in all the graver questions of foreign policy his advice was generally decisive.
While the dispute with Japan was still going on regarding Korea, China found herself involved in a more serious quarrel in respect of another tributary state which lay on the southern frontier. By a treaty made between France Tongking and Hanoi. and Annam in 1874, the Red river or Songkoi, which rising in-south-western China, flows through Tongking, was opened to trade, together with the cities of Haiphong and Hanoi situated on the delta. The object of the French was to find a trade route to Yun-nan and Sze-ch‛uen from a base of their own, and it was hoped the Red river would furnish such a route. Tongking at this time, however, was infested with bands of pirates and cut-throats, many of whom were Chinese rebels or ex-rebels who had been driven across the frontier by the suppression of the Yun-nan and Taiping rebellions, conspicuous among them being an organization called the Black Flags. And when in 1882 France sent troops to Tongking to restore order (the Annamese government having failed to fulfil its promises in that respect) China began to protest, claiming that Annam was a vassal state and under her protection.
France took no notice of the protest, declaring that the claim had
merely an archaeological interest, and that, in any case, China in
military affairs was a quantité négligeable. France found,
however, that she had undertaken a very serious task in
Troubles
with
France.
trying to put down the forces of disorder (see Tongking).
The Black Flags were, it was believed, being aided by
money and arms from China, and as time went on, the French were
more and more being confronted with regular Chinese soldiers.
Several forts, well within the Tongking frontier, were known to be
garrisoned by Chinese troops. Operations continued with more or
less success during the winter and spring of 1883–1884. Both sides,
however, were desirous of an arrangement, and in May 1884 a convention
was signed between Li Hung-Chang and a Captain Fournier,
who had been commissioned ad hoc, whereby China agreed to withdraw
her garrisons and to open her frontiers to trade, France agreeing,
on her part, to respect the fiction of Chinese suzerainty, and guarantee
the frontier from attack by brigands. No date had been fixed in the
convention for the evacuation of the Chinese garrisons, and Fournier
endeavoured to supplement this by a memorandum to Li Hung-Chang,
at the same time announcing the fact to his government. In
pursuance of this arrangement the French troops proceeded to occupy
Langson on the date fixed (21st June 1884). The Chinese commandant
refused to evacuate, alleging, in a despatch which no one
in the French camp was competent to translate, that he had received
no orders, and begged for a short delay to enable him to communicate
with his superiors. The French commandant ordered an attack,
which was repulsed with severe loss. Mutual recriminations ensued.