Route of Narrow Gauge Railroad in the Willamette Valley.
JANUARY IMARCH 31, 1919 Compiled by GEORGE H. HIKES. Balaton,
Noah
F. Gregg, b. Or.
Barker,
Mrs.
Miary
March
1919. Batcsheller, 28, 1919. Boise, Mrs. 1919.
Ann
1852; d. Sheridan, Feb. n, 1919. b. Mo., Nov. 22, 1843; 1847;
Hobson,
Echo,
24,
John Wesley,
b.
Emily Parmenter,
1830; b.
Mass.
1852;
d.
1827;
near Seattle, Wash., Feb.
1859;
A
Salem,
March
26,
W,
D. b. . 1854; d. Portland, Jan. 12, 1919. Chance, William G., b. Ky., Jan. 18, 1849; 1852; d. Portland^ Jan. 21, 1919. Cook, Robert A., b. Tenn. May 31, 1833; 1853; d. Gold Hill, Or., March Bush.,
16,
1919.
Davenport, John C, b. N. Y. 18 ; 1851 ; d. Hoquiam, Wash., March i, 1910. Driver, Samuel B., b. Ind. June 14, 1852; Or. 1853; d. Wamis, March 4, 1919; nephew of Rev. I. D. Driver. Egan, John T., b. Canada, 1852; Or. 1852; d. Albany, Jan. n, 1919. Evans, Mrs. Amanda Jane. b. May 7, 1851; Or. 1852; d. Feb. 11, 1019. Foster, Mrs. Nancy Jane Hubbard, b. I1L Feb. 6, 1847; Or. 1853; d. Portland, Jan. 19, 1919. Or. 1852; d. Portland, Marcch 28, 19x9. Fuller, Mrs. Laura M., b.
Harpole, Peter, b. 111. Feb. 5, 1841; Or. 1847; d. Junction City, Fb. 15, 1919. Hawn, Jasper C., b. Texas, Feb. 8, 1840; Or. 1843; d. Yamhill, Jan. 25, 1919. Hembree, James Thomas, b. Tenn. Sept. 13, 1826; Or. 1843; d. Portland, Jan. 12, 1919. Hughes, Mrs. Ella, b. Ohio, 1851; Or. 1858; d. Feb. 6, 1919. March 22, 1919. Mass. Jan. 12, 1919. 'Portland, March 27, 1919. La Rue, Mrs. Lydia W., b. Vt. 1834; Or. 1853; d. Portland, Feb. 8, 1919. Frederick b. d. Or. Feb. Lewis, George, 1847; Airlie, 19, 1919. Magers, J. E., b. Ohio, 1848; Or. 1852; d. near Portland, Jan. 25, 1919. Martin, James White, b. Or. Aug., 1853; d. Lafayette, Jan. 23, 1919. Mays, J. R., b. 111. June 29, 1836; Or. 1852; d. North Plains, Feb. 7, 1919. Miller, W. G., b. Mo. June 25, 1834; Or. 1852: d. Dillard, Jan. 12, 1919. Mitchell, William H., b. 111. 1834; Or. 1853; d. Los Angeles, Cal., March 14, 1919. McHaley, Andrew J., b. Mo. 1839; Or. 1843; d. Portland, Jan. 24, 1919. McClure, Mrs. Laura V. Pierce, b. Ohio, May 13, 1837; Or. 1852; d. La Grande, March 1919. Pittock, Henry Lewis, b. England, March x, 1835; Pittsburgh, U. S., 1839; Or. 1853; d. Portland, Jan. 28, 1919. Robison, George Crews, b. 111. Oct. 18, 1837; Or. 1853; d. McMinnville, Jan. 31, 1919. d. Salem,
Russell, A. P., b. Me. 1832; Cal. 1849; Or. Linn county, 18 March xo, 1019. Father of 17 children, twelve surviving. Sears, Charles W., b. Va. 1837; Or. 1854; d. Albany, Feb. 18, 1919. Severson, Peter W., b. N. Y. 1830; Cal. 1856; Or. 1858; d. Portland, Jan., 1919. Taylor, John A, b. N. Y. Sept. 12, 1825; Or. 1852; d. Feb. 12, 1919. Tustin, Caleb S., b. 111. 1830; Or. 1847; d. McMinnville, Feb. xx, 1919. Umphlette, Mrs. Serena, b. Mo. 1833; Or. 1850; d. near Amity, March ax, 1919. Van Ogle, H. E., b. Ohio, Sept. 21, 1825; Or. 1853; d. Orting, Wash., Fb. 17, 1919. Washburn, Charles W., b. Ohio, Sept. 13, 1824; Cal. 1849; Or. 1853; d. Junction City, Jan. 12, 1919. d.
Welch, Mrs. Margaret Levisa Simmons, b. Iowa, May 4, 1838; Or. Ridgefield, Wash., Feb. 13, 1919. '
,
>,
were ever at any time members of the Oregon Only those marked with a was organized in 1873.
'Pioneer Association which
THE QUARTERLY
of the
Oregon Historical Society
Copyright, 1919, by the Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to its pages.
HISTORY OF THE NARROW GAUGE RAILROAD IN THE WILLAMETTE VALLEY[1]
By Leslie M. Scott
Forty years ago the Willamette Valley was eager for railroads, just as now for automobile highways. The navigable river which drains the valley was an easy avenue of transportation, but wagon roads leading to the river were difficult, and, in much of the productive area, were impassable in winter and impossible in summer. Two lines of railroad reached southward from Portland, the one forty-eight miles to Saint Joseph, on Yamhill River[2], the other, two hundred miles to Roseburg[3], in the valley of Umpqua River. Wagon road approaches to these steel highways were difficult, like those to the river. In short, agricultural growth was held back by poor means of hauling to market. The best remedy then known was construction of iron railroads. And the cheapest railroad to build and operate was the narrow-gauge.[4]
The narrow gauge or "Yamhill" railroad, initiated in 1877 between Dayton and Sheridan, in Yamhill County, with a branch to Dallas in Polk County, grew in 1879-81 to be an ambitious system, embracing the length of the Willamette Valley, from Portland to Airlie 80 miles on the west side, and to Coburg, 123 miles on the east side, a total trackage of 183 miles, with proposed extensions to Winnemucca on the Central Pacific in Nevada, and to Astoria at the mouth of the Columbia River, and with proposed connections with Yaquina Bay, the whole system to contain nearly one thousand miles of track, seaports at Astoria, Portland and Yaquina, and transcontinental rail connections with the Central Pacific and Union Pacific railroads. The scheme ended in 1881 when the Oregon Railway and Navigation Company leased the railroad in order to rid Henry Villard's system of its rivalry.
The narrow gauge exercised important competitive effects upon other railroad lines in Oregon. It forced extensions of the Oregon and California Railroad. It influenced the policies of Henry Villard, who was then in command of the Northern Pacific, the Columbia River rail route of the present Oregon-Washington Railroad and Navigation Company, and the present east side and west side lines of the Southern Pacific in Oregon. But the narrow gauge was only partly built; the bridge across the Willamette River near Dundee, to connect the two main branches, was not constructed; tracks, rolling stock and bridges fell into disrepair under Villard; the extension to Portland did not reach completion until a later time, and then under its Southern Pacific owners, who discarded the large scheme, and used the tracks merely as "feeders" to other lines. The tracks of the narrow gauge, broadened to "standard," now are components of the Southern Pacific, some of them electrified.
The history of the narrow gauge makes an important narrative in the progress of Oregon, a narrative which the writer has had in mind during several years, and to which he finds himself brought suddenly by the unexpected call of the editor of this magazine for "copy."
The initial credits for financing the railroad were supplied by Yamhill and Polk county farmers. The San Francisco firm that furnished the rails took mortgage security, and had to resort to foreclosure for collection. Other credit came from Joseph Gaston, who had promoted the Portland-Forest Grove railroad in 1867–70, and who, though possessing but small means in cash, owned lands which he offered as pledges. These financial resources were so inadequate that the project soon fell into receivership, from which it was extricated by Scotch capitalists headed by William Reid, who in 1878–81 invested some $2,500,000 in the property. This capital of the Scotchmen also proved insufficient, a further expenditure of more than $400,000, borrowings by the Oregon receiver in 1885–89, failed to place the railroad on a sound financial basis, and finally the property passed to the Southern Pacific for less than half its original cost, netting to the Scotchmen an apparent loss of some $1,300,000.
So much for the general survey of the history. Now for details.
Farmers of Yamhill and Polk counties had been waiting many years for promised railroad construction, when, in 1877, a narrow gauge scheme was proposed, to extend from steamboat connections at Dayton to Sheridan, twenty miles. The farmers had grown impatient. Joseph Gaston had promised them a railroad in 1867–70, and Ben Holladay in 1870–73. The latter had opened the west side railroad from Portland to Saint Joseph,[5] near McMinnville, in 1872, and then had collapsed financially. Residents of Yamhill and Polk had expected big things from the west side line, and had seen their hopes dashed to disappointment. So they were keenly responsive to the independent scheme of the Dayton-Sheridan promoters.
A leading sponsor in its early stages appears to have been Isaac Ball, one of the long-suffering farmers. At his instigation, citizens held a meeting at Amity, October 20, 1877, to consider the project. The meeting named a committee to report upon the practicability of the plan, which committee met at McMinnville, November 1, and reported at a second meeting at Amity, November 17. The report estimated the cost of the railroad between Dayton and Sheridan at $150,000, based upon costs of similar construction in Ohio, Illinois and Missouri. It cited that the railroad would serve 300,000 acres of land, which would produce 1,000,000 bushels of wheat annually. An assessment of fifty cents an acre would build the railroad, and add five dollars to the value of every acre.[6] The report continued:
Let every farmer figure for himself. Let him count the time it takes to haul his grain away to Dayton now; count the wear and tear of himself, his teams and the harness and wagons; and the loss in the prices of grain in not being handy to the market to catch it at the top notch. Let him also count the increased cost of all machinery, merchandise, salt, iron, lime, etc., that must be hauled from Dayton or Saint Joe. And then let him consider how much more grain he could raise, if he could save the time spent in hauling off his crop to Dayton, and put it on the farm in fall planting.
This report was dated at Dayton, November 5, 1877, and was signed by B. B. Branson, Charles Lafollette and W. S. Powell. The second meeting at Amity, which received the report November 17, responded promptly by pledging $24,000 to the enterprise. The committee also went through the preliminaries of incorporating a company, the Dayton, Sheridan and Grand Ronde Railway Company.[7] The directors of the company were B. B. Branson (the first president), Ellis G. Hughes (the succeeding president, elected March 22, 1878), Sylvester Farrell, W. S. Powell, and F. E. Beach. The secretary of the company and its manager in 1878 was Mr. Beach,[8] until the railroad passed into the hands of a receiver, George Revette.
Joseph Gaston, well known railroad promoter, attended the two meetings at Amity, and subscribed to one-half of the 2000 shares. He was authorized to canvass the farmers so as to enlist them to make pledges. The pledges were payable in three instalments, at specified stages of construction, were to be refunded by the railroad in three payments, namely, November 1, 1880, November 1 1881, November 1 1882, and were to be evidenced by "freight orders or script," that is, the railroad was to redeem the pledges by rendering an equivalent value of railroad service. This "freight script" was later held chargeable to the railroad by the supreme court of Oregon, and $61,000 was refunded.[9]
The heaviest financing was performed by the creditor that supplied the rails, the Pacific Rolling Mill Company, of California.[10] It accepted three mortgages as follows:
Rails for 20 miles, mortgage executed November 5, 1848 |
$62,724.56 |
Rails for 12 miles to Dallas, executed December 4, 1878 |
27,134.00 |
Mortgage executed May 7, 1879 |
4,058.00 |
Total |
$93,916.56" |
As the railroad company was unable to make the payments due under the mortgage in 1878, the rolling mill company began suit to recover January 23, 1879, and had the receiver, Revette, appointed, who conducted the management more than a year, or until April 17, 1880.[11]
By arrangement with the Scotch buyers of the railroad, headed by William Reid, the rolling mill company was satisfied. The railroad was conveyed June 2, 1879, to a company representing the new investors, the Willamette Valley Railroad Company, and the old company was dissolved.[12] Contract for construction had been let in April, 1878, and the track between Dayton and Sheridan opened for traffic October 24, 1878. The track was poorly constructed and not ballasted. Speed did not exceed twelve or fifteen miles an hour. The equipment consisted of two Baldwin locomotives, not heavier than ten tons each, and a number of flatcars, from which passenger coaches were improvised. The rails weighed twenty eight pounds to the yard.
At this juncture, the Pacific Northwest was just opening upon a progressive period of railroad construction. and beginning to receive great funds of outside capital. In the years 1880–83 Henry Villard expended $150,000,000 upon the lines of the Northern Pacific railroad and its allied properties.[13] His German capitalists of the Oregon and California Railroad extended in 1878–79 the Portland-Saint Joseph line fifty miles to Corvallis,[14] and the Portland-Roseburg line in 1881–84, one hundred and fifty miles to Ashland.[15] His Eastern investors in 1879 acquired properties of the Oregon Steam Navigation Company and the Walla Walla-Wallula Railroad, and in 1880–84, built the lines of the Oregon Railway and Navigation Company from Portland to Huntington and to points north of Walla Walla.[16] The Northern Pacific connected with the Oregon Railway and Navigation Company, at the mouth of Snake River, by building lines, in 1879–83, through the Spokane country and the Clark's Fork region. The Pacific Northwest was electrified with the spirit of financial venture. And the Willamette Valley was an inviting field for the investment of Scotch savings. Although the money returns were poor to the thrifty folk of Scotland, yet who will deny that the stimulus afforded to the farmers of Oregon may have strengthened the sons of Oregon to aid the "kilties" on the late battlefields of France?
There came to this far off shore in 1874, from Dundee, Scotland, a man who was destined to extend the narrow gauge through the wheat fields of the Willamette Valley, and later, to lead the way to realization of a railroad for the Tillamook-Astoria region. He was William Reid. He heralded his coming with copious newspaper comments both on things of Oregon and on things of his native heather. With him came as an asset of his equipment a fund of Scotch persistency and shrewdness. For five years he acted at Dundee, Scotland, as American vice consul, in which capacity he published in 1873 a pamphlet entitled: "Oregon and Washington as Fields for Capital and Labor." This pamphlet had wide circulation and resulted later in the promotion by Reid at Portland of the Oregon and Washington Trust Company, which was converted into the Dundee Mortgage and Trust Investment Company. Thus Reid became resident agent at Portland for Scotch funds, first for mortgages and then for the narrow gauge railroad. He organized a board of trade at Portland and became its secretary, in which capacity he wrote many descriptions of Oregon resources and progress. He organized the Oregon and Washington Mortgage Savings Bank at Portland, and later the Portland National Bank. At Salem he organized the First National Bank. At Turner and Salem he built flour mills. Due to his operations. the Legislature of Oregon enacted a law in 1878 authorizing foreign corporations to build railroads in Oregon.[17] Reid's record in Oregon progress is that of an energetic and useful constructor.
The Dundee buyers of the thirty-two miles of narrow gauge railroad. having taken hold of the property in 1879, built in 1880–81 one hundred and fifty additional miles of track, expending, in all, sums as follows:[18]
Funds from the sale of capital stock, 32,000 shares, par £10, @ £7 178 6d, £252,000 |
$1,227,240 |
Funds from sale of bonds, £214,700 |
1,045,589 |
Other borrowed funds |
255,225 |
Total |
$2,528,054 |
The junction of the two branches was to be at Dundee, from which place the railroad was to lead to Portland. The company directors in Scotland had ordered completion of the line to Portland prior to September 1, 1881, and construction was carried on in a desultory way within ten miles of that city, beginning in March, 1880, but was stopped in 1881 by Villard. As the east side and west side branches were separated by the Willamette River, and the extension of the west side branch to Portland was not opened until November 26, 1887, the railroad company operated two steamboats, City of Salem and Salem, through its subsidiary, Oregonian Navigation Company. Limited.[21] These steamboats and others connected with the east side branch at Ray's Landing, and the west side branch at Dayton. By taking steamboat from Portland at 7 o'clock a.m., passengers reached Dayton at 2 o'clock that afternoon, whence the railroad conveyed them to Lafayette, Dallas, Monmouth and Airlie. The train reached Sheridan at 6:30 p. m. In September, 1881, completion of the track from Lafayette to Fulquartz Landing expedited this business. The company also maintained connections with Salem, Corvallis and Albany by means of river boats. Amid the rosy railroad prospects in 1880-81, Central Pacific extensions to Oregon by the route of Humboldt River, Goose Lake, Sprague River, Pengra Pass and Middle Fork of the Willamette River, possible connection with the Scottish narrow gauge were often heralded. The country was agog with the grand expectations of Villard's and Huntington's railroad system. The Dundee investors were happy over the prospect. Airlie, when in Portland in October, 1880, ordered a survey of the intermediate route. An ambitious company, the Astoria & Winnemucca Railroad, incorporated at Astoria, May 8, 1879, pursued this scheme, and the Oregon Legislature in 1880 offered free right of way through state lands. This project revived in 1885 in negotiations with Huntington, and again in 1890, when Huntington took over the narrow gauge and planned extensions. It revived once more during the activities of E. H. Harriman in 1906–10, and finally lapsed on account of government repression of railroads.
Villard's move to protect his Oregon and California Railroad from competition of the growing narrow gauge was the logical one of gaining control of the invader. The narrow gauge had given him and his associates a taste of competition when they had felt impelled to build a road in 1879 to Corvallis, and to Lebanon in 1880. For the latter extension Villard had caused to be incorporated the Albany and Lebanon Railroad Company, March 1, 1880, by Joseph N. Dolph, J. Brandt Jr., and Paul Schultze, capital, $200,000. He had also caused to be incorporated a similar company to build from Salem to Silverton. This extension was not built, but the Lebanon extension, eleven miles, opened September 22, 1880.
So Villard sent to Scotland, to negotiate a lease with the narrow gauge owners for ninety-six years, J. B. Montgomery, who had built ninety miles of the narrow gauge from Ray's Landing to Brownsville and had also built parts of the Northern Pacific. The lessee was Villard's Oregon Railway and Navigation Company, which like the Oregon and California and the Northern Pacific, were then controlled by Villard's Oregon and Transcontinental. The annual rental, $140,000, to be paid to the Scotch owners, represented seven per cent a year on the total investment, which, up to that time. amounted to nearly $2,000,000 or one hundred and sixty miles of track. This lease was strenuously opposed by William Reid, builder and president of the narrow gauge, who, in three years saw his reasons for opposition to a rival that meant no good to the narrow gauge, amply verified. Reid's purpose was a connection with the Central Pacific at Winnemucca by the Pengra Pass and Humboldt route, the success of which would have brought to the Pacific Northwest a transcontinental connection with the Central Pacific, Union Pacific, and valuable activities of progress. Reid sent Ellis G. Hughes, vice president of the narrow gauge company, to New York to deal with Huntington for these connections at the same time that Villard sent Montgomery to Scotland to deal with the owners. Hughes arranged a lease for payment to the stockholders of the narrow gauge four and one-half per cent annually on the cost of the road, plus one-half of the net receipts of the Winnemucca extension. But as the four and one-half per cent offered by Huntington was visibly less than the seven per cent offered by Villard, the thrifty Scotch prized more highly the larger promise and chose the money that three years later proved them penny wise and pound foolish.[22]
The successful lessee took charge of the narrow gauge, August 1, 1881, and immediately set about doing its real purposes. Extensions to Portland and Yaquina immediately stopped; also the terminal plans for use of the public levee at Portland, of which more will be said later: also the bridge project at Ray's Landing which would have united the two branches of the system. Villard showed plainly his real policy, namely, to subordinate the lines of the troublesome invader and make them serve as feeders to the Oregon and California Railroad. When taken over by the receiver in 1885 the narrow gauge system was divided into six separate parts: (1) Coburg to South Santiam, 39 miles, operated in connection with the Lebanon branch of the Oregon and California Railroad: (2) South Santiam to West Stayton, eleven miles, not operated: (3) West Stayton to Woodburn, thirty-nine miles, operated in connection with the Oregon and California Railroad; (4) Woodburn to Ray's Landing, ten miles, not operated: (5) Fulquartz Landing to White's Junction, sixteen miles. not operated; (6) White's Junction to Airlie, forty miles, operated in connection with the Oregon and California Railroad. This policy worked ruin to the narrow gauge property. Bridges washed out by floods were abandoned. The railroad in the three years ensuing the lease went to wreck as an earning property. Finally, the Oregon Railway and Navigation Company, after retirement of Villard from its affairs, abandoned the narrow gauge and repudiated the lease, May 14, 1884, as null and void.[23] Consternation ensued. Bonds of the narrow gauge at once fell from 120 to 40. Stock shares which had brought $40 fell to $2. Without terminal connections, tracks and rolling stock dilapidated, the plight of the railroad was sad, indeed.[24] A receivership ensued under Charles N. Scott, who was appointed by the circuit court of the United States, Judge Deady, March 30, 1885, and took charge of the property April 14, 1885.[25] The receiver was named in the lease suit against the Oregon Railway and Navigation Company and not in foreclosure for the creditors. Under the receiver's management bridges, track and equipment were restored as well as available borrowings would avail until the railroad was taken over in 1890 by the Southern Pacific.
The Scotch owners sought remedy in the United States circuit court of Judge Deady to bind the Oregon Railway and Navigation Company to the ninety-six year term of the lease and were victorious in that court by winning judgments for the rental dues, but the supreme court of the United States on March 5, 1889, held the lease void because it had not been validated by the Legislature of Oregon. Judge Deady, on March 18, 1885, and at intervals thereafter awarded judgment against the lessee for accruals of unpaid rent. The supreme court of the United States held that the Oregonian Railway Company had no power to execute the lease and the Oregon Railway and Navigation Company no power to accept it. For success of the narrow gauge system, after the lease fiasco in 1884, it was clear that these several things must be done: Restoration of the bridges across North Santiam and South Santiam; erection of a bridge between Ray's Landing and Fulquartz Landing; extension of thirty miles to a terminal outlet at Portland from Dundee; purchase of new rolling stock and renewals of ties and trestles. Receiver Scott set himself to the task of rebuilding the Santiam bridges, repairing the tracks and roadbed and buying new equipment, while William Reid undertook the work of building the connecting bridge across Willamette River and the extension to Portland. As the receiver could raise funds only by borrowing, he was authorized by the United States court to issue certificates of indebtedness amounting in all in the five years of his administration, to some $423,000.[26]
The Dundee-Portland extension was undertaken by the Portland and Willamette Valley Railway Company, incorporated January 19, 1885.[27] The widespread interest taken in the creation of this company throughout Willamette Valley is attested by the large number and the scattering of its incorporators, who were: W. S. Ladd, H. C. Leonard, R. B. Knapp, William Reid, Van B. DeLashrnutt, Aaron Meier, J. A. Chapman, Ira F. Powers (Sr.), John Schuerer, J. F. Coyne, C. E. Smith, William Gallick of Portland; A. R. Burbank, H. Hurley, J. H. Olds, W. D. Fenton, P. P. Gates, J. M. Kelty, R. P. Bird, R. R. Daniel, W. M. Townsend, J. W. Watts of Lafayette; L. Bently, T. S. Powell, A. W. Lucas, D. T. Stanley, Wm. Dawson, N. B. Gregg of Monmouth; Goodman Hubbard, Charles F. Johns, H. L. Deacon, Geo. W. Crystal, Wm. Grant, F. G. Richmond of Dallas; Peter Hume, J. M. Moyer, Oliver P. Coshow, W. R. Kirk, Thomas Kay, R. N. Thompson of Brownsville; A. Coolidge, R. C. Geer, L. C. Russell of Silverton; Robert Pentland, W. E. Price Jr., J. C. Johnson, R. F. Ashly, H. A. Johnson Jr., Frank J. Villa of Scio.[28]
The Portland and Willamette Valley Railway Company was capitalized at $150,000 capital stock and $400,000 bonds. Its funds were supplied by Huntington, Thomas H. Hubbard and their associates, but the source of the money was not publicly known at the time of construction. The work of building trestles and making rock cuts was extensive and costly. For example, Chehalem Creek was spanned by a 700-foot trestle; Blair Creek by a 1000-foot trestle; Rock Creek by an 1800-foot trestle and Tualatin River by a 180-foot trestle. Deep rock cuts were made at Elk Rock, Oswego and Chehalem Gap. The chief engineer was H. Hawgood.
Construction of the route had suspended in 1881, at the time of the Villard lease and was resumed in January, 1886, by the new company. The track was finished to Elk Rock, near Oswego, in the following December. This progress was signalized December 11, 1886, by an excursion of Portland citizens to Dallas.[29] The first train arrived in South Portland, November 26, 1887. The first train started from Jefferson Street, Portland (public levee), July 23, 1888.
The narrow gauge system gravitated to the Southern Pacific in the years 1885-90. In that period the Southern Pacific absorbed the Oregon and California Railroad. The Southern Pacific entered into negotiation in 1887 with the stockholders and bondholders of the Oregon and California and succeeded in adding the railroad properties of that company to its extensive domains and of connecting them with its California lines.[30] Southern Pacific acquisition of the narrow gauge by steady steps was a natural sequence and became obvious in 1887, when Huntington's ownership of the Portland–Dundee line was no longer concealed, and his negotiations with the Scotch owners of the other branches of the system were tending to a focus. In May, 1887, control was announced of the Portland and Willamette Valley Railway by the Pacific Improvement Company, the principal stockholders of which, C. P. Huntington, Leland Stanford, Charles Crocker, Charles F. Crocker and Timothy Hopkins, controlled the Southern Pacific. This second merging of the two railroads of the Willamette Valley (the first by Villard in 1881), was a disappointment to Oregon citizens, who had hoped for competitive activities.[31]
A corporation, formed by Reid to build the Ray's Landing bridge, called the Oregonian Railway Bridge Company, incorporated at Portland, July 21, 1886, capital, $100,000, but the merging with Southern Pacific interests in 1887 made the bridge project superfluous. This bridge was repeatedly authorized by the Oregon Legislature.[32]
The "seizure" of the public levee at Portland for a terminal by William Reid and his Portland and Willamette Valley Railway, made many vexing episodes in the progress of the extension to that city. This property on the river bank at foot of Jefferson Street had been bestowed upon the city by Stephen Coffin, one of the proprietors of the townsite, for public wharfage purposes. It was situated just where Reid needed his terminal, and Reid proceeded to appropriate it through the Legislature, against protests of Portland. This action had the support of farmers of the Willamette Valley, who desired to afford an outlet for the narrow gauge system. The Legislature made two grants of the levee, the first in 1880,[33] the second in 1885.[34] The first franchise was awarded to the Oregonian Railway Company over Governor Thayer's veto, but the act was defeated in the supreme court of Oregon in March, 1881,[35] but judge M. P. Deady in the United States circuit court allowed temporary use of the levee pending the suit. This franchise lapsed by its own limitations, because the narrow gauge extension was not built before expiration of the time limit for completion, July 1, 1882.
The second award of the levee, this time to the Portland and Willamette Valley Railway, included a free right of way through state lands. The railroad entered into possession of the levee December 1, 1887, after tests in the state and federal courts. The company built warehouses and a depot on the river bank, and its successors occupied the property some twenty-five years.
The latter history of the narrow gauge is soon told. The lines of the Oregonian Railway Company were foreclosed by a group of Southern Pacific interests in 1890, chief of whom were C. P. Huntington and Thomas H. Hubbard. The line of the Portland and Willamette Valley Railway was foreclosed in 1892 by the same interests. A new company was formed in 1890 to take over the property, the Oregonian Railroad Company, T. E. Stillman, president; Richard Koehler, vice president; W. W. Bretherton, secretary; Charles N. Scott, superintendent; C. B. Williams, auditor; A. L. Warner, acting auditor; George H. Andrews, treasurer. Receiver Scott turned over the railroad to this company in May, 1890. Soon afterwards the work began of broadening the east side road to standard gauge. At this time Huntington was considering large projects in Western Oregon, among them the Astoria railroad and the Pengra route across Cascade Mountains,[36] together with an extension of the narrow gauge from Silverton to Portland.[37] Surveys for the latter ran by way of Lents and Molalla,[38] but the surveyors were called in late in 1890[39] and the project was abandoned. Huntington extended the railroad from Coburg to Springfield and Natron. Further extension to Wendling was made in 1900. The west side branch was made standard gauge in 1893. Crocker and Stanford interests for a time opposed Huntington's schemes as to the narrow gauge acquisition, and were brought into line, according to current gossip, by Huntington's threats of connecting the narrow gauge system with the Central Pacific.[40]
The mortgage bonds of the Oregonian Railway Company, amounting to £214,700 or $1,045,589, were paid in full by Huntington in 1889, pursuant to arrangements made with the official liquidator, David Myles, appointee in bankruptcy by the supreme court of session of Scotland, March 20, 1889, to wind up the affairs of the Oregonian Railway Company, Limited, and sell its property for benefit of the creditors.[41] Myles sent to Oregon his attorney, Alexander Mackay, to examine the railroad properties. The number of stockholders of the bankrupt railroad was 183, only two of whom dwelt in Oregon, J. B. Montgomery, 4,000 shares out of 32,000, and William Reid, 149 shares. Reid had also owned 4,000 shares before the Villard lease, and sold all but his 149 shares because disliking the prospect of Villard's control. The price paid to the liquidator yielded a balance of some $135,000 over the bonds, to pay floating indebtedness due Scotch creditors, amounting to $250,000. The proceeds were distributed to the various creditors in Scotland, January 15, 1890. Huntington paid, in addition, receiver's certificates to the amount of some $423,000. The cost to him of the 147 miles of the Oregonian Railway amounted as follows:[42]
To the mortgage bondholders, £235,000 and other creditors |
$1,064,450 |
To the holders of receiver's certificates |
423,000 |
Total |
$1,487,450 |
BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY IN OREGON
By George H. Himes
To determine the exact date when the first seeds of Christian truth were planted in Oregon soil—meaning historic Oregon, or the "Oregon Country," the area bounded on the south by the 42d parallel, west by the Pacific Ocean, north by the 49th parallel, and east by the summit of the Rock Mountains—is very difficult. So far as known, the first white men known to have set foot on any portion of this soil were Davis Coolidge, first mate of the sloop Washington, commanded at this time by Capt. Robert Gray, and Robert Haswell, third officer of the Columbia, who had been transferred to the sloop as second mate, and several of the crew. On or about August 3, 1788, the little vessel "made a tolerably commodious harbor"—presumably Tillamook Bay—when Captain Gray sent the officers named ashore with several of the crew, among them his colored boy, Marcos, to get some grass and shrubs. The latter, having used a cutlass in cutting grass, carelessly stuck it in the sand while carrying the grass to the vessel; whereupon a native seized it and ran to the Indian village. Marcos pursued the thief and seized him by the neck, but was soon over powered by the savages and killed. The officers and men retreated to their boats and rowed to the sloop, followed by the natives in canoes, who were checked by swivel fire from the sloop. One of the crew was wounded by a barbed arrow.
The next men to touch the soil of Oregon were Captain Gray and his clerk, John Hoskins, "in the jolly-boat," and presumably a number of his crew—all going "on shore to take a short view of the country," in the afternoon of May 15, 1792, on the north bank of the Columbia at a point about twenty miles from its mouth.
Whether Gray or any of his men gave the Indians, who were very numerous about the good ship Columbia when it was anchored in what is now known as Gray's Bay, any hint or suggestion relating to religion in any sense, is not GEORGE H. HIMES
160
known.
There
is
no doubt,^ however, that there were white
men upon the Oregon shore before the date above mentioned, but who they were, and where they came from, or whether they sought to
instill
religious convictions of
any sort into the minds
of the natives, is and probably always will be unknown. With the advent of the Lewis and Clark Exploring Expedi-
November, 1805 the first expedition of the kind sent out by the Government of the United States the John Jacob Astor sea expedition in October, 1810, and the Wilson Price tion in
Hunt
party, the overland section of the Astor party, in April, 1811, the North- West Company in December, 1813, and the
Hudson's Bay Company, which absorbed the North-West Company in 1821 and began active operations in Oregon in 1824 there came a considerable number of French Canadian employees and traders, most of whom had been trained in the Roman Catholic church to some extent. While these men led wild lives to a considerable degree, yet they never forget their faith,
and
in every
appealed to
God
emergency, when danger threatened, they
for succor.
However
elemental their ideas of
worship, they probably followed the best light they had at the time. In this manner the Indians by whom these trappers
and traders were surrounded received their first impressions "Book of Life," and learned of the "Black Gowns" long before they were visited by a priest. The Wilson Price Hunt party already alluded to as coming overland in 1811-12, endured great hardships and lost a good
of the White Man's
many men by desertion, among them twenty-four Iroquois, who had received religious instruction from the Jesuits, or "Black Robes," as they were known, belonging to the mission near St. Louis. By intermarriage they became members of the tribe whose territory was embraced in what is now the country in the vicinity of the present city of Spokane, Washington. Before long they began to yearn for the presence of the "Black Robes," and a council was called and the probability
them discussed. Finally four braves volunteered to go to St. Louis to communicate their desires,
of securing a visit from BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY IN OREGON and
in the
161
spring of 1831 they started eastward and reached fall. Their presence, however, did not
their destination that
seem to
attract
any
were many The hardships of the upon them, and two became dangerously special attention, since there
Indians about St. Louis at that time.
journey told heavily ill and afterwards died.
In their sickness both asked to be
Their baptized by the black-robed priests, which was done. Christian names were Narcissa and Paul, and the record is in the Cathedral of St. Louis, and both were buried in the
Roman
Catholic cemetery at that place, Narcissa on October 31st and Paul, November'l7th, 1831.
The story of the Indians going from the "Oregon Country" to St. Louis in search of the white man's "Book of Life" has been repeatdly told, but has been doubted in many quarters. The above statement with reference to the occurrence was condensed from the writings of Rt. Rev. Joseph Rosati, Bishop of
and a further proof that the Indians armay be found in the letter books of Gen. William Clark, Governor of Missouri at that time, now in possession of the Kansas Historical Society. A second deputation was sent in 1832, consisting of one Iroquois and his family. He arrived safely in St. Louis, had St.
Louis
in
1831
rived in St. Louis in 1831
his children baptized, was returning home to his people, with the hope of soon having priests in his country, but was killed by the Sioux Indians.
Dr. John McLoughlin, of Canada,
who began
his career in
North-West Company, when that company was merged into the Hudson's Bay Company in 1821, was selected as chief factor to take charge of the combined 1800 as an employee of
-the
business of both companies in
Rocky Mountains.
He came
to
all
the territory west of the
Oregon
in
1824 and changed
the headquarters from Astoria to Belle Vue Point the site of the present citv of Vancouver and built a fort there. He
permitted the employees whose terms of service had expired to settle in the Willamette vallev and on the Cowlitz river.
Numbers
of these
men had married Indian
and began to wish for the presence of a
wives, had children,
priest. GEORGE H. HIMES
162
Upon
Dr. McLoughlin's arrival he began the practice at once
of reading the services of the Episcopal Church every Sunday, and frequently would read a chapter in the Bible, a sermon or
Most of the gentlemen of Fort Vana tract or a prayer. to Mrs. Whitman, who arrived there in couver, according September, 1836, were Scotch Presbyterians, and a few were However, many of the laborers were Roman Episcopalians. Catholics and had a service of their own, at which Dr. McLoughlin officiated in French, and sometimes would translate a sermon or a tract, but this kind of service was not satisfactory. Accordingly two petitions were sent to the Bishop on Red River for a priest, one on July 3, 1832, and the other on In response two missionaries were 23, 1833. granted Rev. F. N. Blanchet and Rev. Modeste Demers but thev did not arrive at Fort Vancouver until November 24, 1838, after enduring incredible hardships in coming over the northern lake, river and horseback route. These fathers toiled
February
1842 were reinforced by two 1843. the Oregon Mission was This was erected into an erected into a vicariate apostolic. ecclesiastical province on July 24, 1846. with three sees Oreeon City. Walla Walla and Vancouver Island. Rt. Rev. F. N. Blanchet, Rt. Rev. A. M. A. Blanchet, and Rt. Rev. Modeste alone for four year?, and in
more
priests.
On December
1.
Demers being
constituted the presiding: Archbishops Bishops respectively, with perhaps forty helpers.
So much for
Now
and
the planting of the Roman Catholic work. of the Protestant work among the
I will recite the origin
Indians.
By
the close of the vear 1832 the knowledge of the Indians'
St. Louis became generally known throughout Protestant missionary circles, and plans began to be formed Dr. Samuel with reference to responding* to their request.
trip
to
Parker, of Ithaca. N. Y., a Congregational minister and a supporter of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions the foreign Missionarv Societv of the Congrewas gational. Presbvterian and Dutch Reformed Churches
one of the
first,
and
I
am
not sure but the very
first,
among BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY IN OREGON Protestants, to take
response.
But
up the
call
163
and urge a quick and hearty
his efforts did not arouse those to
whom
he
appealed to sufficient activity to begin operations at once. The Macedonian cry reached the ears of Dr. Wilbur Fisk, President of the Wesleyan Methodist Academy at Wilbraham, Mass. He was a man of action, prompt and decisive, and on
March
20, 1833,
he wrote a
letter to the
Methodist Missionary
Board suggesting the establishment of a mission to the Flatheads without delay. This Board having a fund which could be used at once, considered the suggestion favorably, and after a few preliminaries, Dr. Fisk became the leading spirit in promoting the
enterprise.
In recalling the young to his
men who had been former
students
mind reverted to one Jason Lee, who had come school from Canada, and who was then in the service
under him,
his
of the Wesleyan church at Stanstead, Canada, the place of his birth.
Mr. Lee caught the inspiration from Dr. Fisk and at once said, "Here am I, send me." Needed preparations were made as rapidly as circumstances would permit, and in March, 1834, Revs. Jason Lee and Daniel Lee, and three laymen, Cyrus Shepard, P. L. Edwards and C. M. Walker, started in company with Captain Nathaniel J. Wyeth, of Massachusetts, who was coming west on a business expedition. On the way across the plains, Sunday, July 27, 1834, Mr. Lee held public worship in a grove. This was the first religious
service he
conducted after starting for the Pacific
from Liberty, Mo., April 21, 1834. His audience was a mixed company of Indians, half breeds and Canadian Frenchmen. That evening, while two of the French-Canadians were racing, a third one ran across the track and a collision ensued which caused the death of one of the riders. Although the deceased person was a Roman Catholic, Captain Thomas McKay, requested Mr. Lee to conduct the funeral service, which slope
he did the next day, thus making Monday, July 28, 1834, memorable as being the day on which the first funeral service west of the Rocky Mountains was conducted by a Protestant minGEORGE H. HIMES
164
On Monday, September 15, 1834, Mr. Lee and party arrived at Fort Vancouver, and were kindly received by Dr. McLoughlin and the gentlemen of the fort. Several days were ister.
spent by Mr. Lee in looking" out a mission station. At length a suitable one was found, whereupon he returned to the fort on
The next day he held religious servand the following account I take from his
Saturday, September 27. ices at the
fort,
diary:
"Essayed to preach to a mixed congregation of English, French, Scotch, Irish, Indians, Americans, half-breeds, Japanese, etc. some of whom did not understand five words of English. Found it extremely difficult to collect my thoughts or find language to express them but am thankful that I have been permitted to plead the cause of God on this side of the
Rocky Mountains, where the banners of Christ were never Great God grant that it may not be in vain, but may some fruit appear even from this feeble attempt to
before unfurled.
!
labour for thee.
Preached again, but with as little liberty as in still I find it is good to worship in the public congregation. My Father in Heaven, I give myself to Thee. May I ever be Thine and wholly Thine always directed by Thine unerring counsel, and ever so directed as to be most beneficial in the world, and bring most glory to the Most High, that I may at last be presented without spot, and blameless
"Evening:
the morning: but
before the throne."
Lee intended to locate in the Flathead country, but Dr. McLoughlin nersuaded him to abandon that idea and establish his mission in the Willamette Valley, giving as a reason that he would be more easily protected in the event of attack by Lee Indians if he was not so far away from Vancouver. vielded to this argument, and began his work in what is now Marion County, a few miles below Salem. That mission farm It may be of interest is now owned by Mr. A. M. Lafollet. to know that on September 22, 1834, Lee and his companions were on French Prairie, that on the following Sunday, Sep~ BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY IN OREGON tember 28, he preached
September
at
29, preparations
165
Vancouver, and on the next day, were made for returning to lay the
foundation of Christian work here, and on October 6 the jour-
ney was completed and the party encamped on the spot selected for their mission ten miles north of Salem, on the east bank of the Willamette river. first sermon preached by Mr. Lee in the Willamette was on October 19 at the house of Mr. Gervais, near Valley the present town of that name, and the congregation was composed of French, half castes and Indians. The following March, Mr. Shepard, who had taught school at Vancouver during the winter, assumed charge of the mission school. Lee soon saw that he was poorly equipped to accomplish what he
The
desired, hence he appealed for reinforcements.
In response,
Dr. Elijah White and his wife, Alanson Beers and wife. Miss Elvira
Anna Maria Pittman, Miss Susan Downing, and Miss
Johnson, arrived in May, 1837, and in September of that year Rev. David Leslie and wife, Rev. H. K. W. Perkins and Miss
With
way seemed Accordingly he made a trip as far south as Fort Umpqua, from which he returned This not proving altogether satisfactory, he in March, 1838. concluded to establish a mission at The Dalles, and with this purpose in view he left the Willamette on March 14, 1838, and Margaret Smith arrived. Lee to advance
this addition the
his outposts.
clear to
reached his destination on the 22d. The mission there was decided upon and placed in charge of Rev. H. K. W. Perkins and Rev. Daniel Lee. Affairs
moved along
in the
even tenor of their way until
a day which should be forever memorable in July 16, the history of religious effort on the Pacific Coast. That day Jason Lee was married to Anna Maria Pittman, Cyrus Shep-
1837
ard to Susan Downing, and Charles Roe to Miss Nancy, an Indian maiden of the Callapooia tribes. Rev. Daniel Lee officiated at the marriage of Jason Lee, and then the latter per-
formed the ceremony for the other two couples, and preached a powerful sermon from Numbers 10:29 "Come thou with us, and we will do thee good for the Lord hath spoken good con:
cerning Israel." GEORGE H. HIMES
166
The rules of the Methodist Episcopal Church were then read by Mr. Lee, after which he baptized the young man just married and received him into the church and administered the Lord's Supper. At this point a young man who had been raised a Quaker and who for some time had shown a change of heart, asked to be baptized and partake of the Lord's Sup-
This man's name was Webley Hauxhurst, and I have per. been informed that he lived a consistent, well ordered Christian Thus it was that the ordilife until his death fifty years later. nances of the church were observed for the first time, according to the Protestant form,
on the Pacific Coast.
The following winter Lee felt that a special effort should be made to arouse a greater interest in the religious work of Oregon, and began to realize that it was not alone to the Indians that the Gospel should be preached, but that the gradushould also have ally increasing population of the whites
Christian privileges. With this in view he started east overland in March, 1838, carrying with him a memorial to Congress from the American settlers in Oregon which aroused
such a degree of interest on the part of the President and Congress that five thousand dollars was given out of the "Secret Service" fund of the Government to aid in Americanizing
Oregon. Lee's efforts produced a sensation, arousing the missionary authorities of the Methodist Episcopal Church to vigorous action. This resulted in the equipment of the Ship Lausanne for a voyage around the Horn to Oregon, and upon October 25, 1839, she set sail for the Far West carrying 51 souls, known as the "Great Reinforcement/' arriving in the Columbia
May, 1840, and finally debarking at Vancouver on June 1st. Soon after, three buildings were erected in Salem the first there and thus that place became the headquarters of the in
Methodist mission
Lausanne were
field.
The preaching
force brought on the
allotted as follows Nisqually, Puget Sound. Richmond; Clatsop, J. H. Frost; Umpqua, Gustavus Hines, W. W. Kone; The Dalles, Daniel Lee, H. K. W. Per-
J.
P.
Willamette Station, Daniel Leslie Willamette Falls, A. F. Waller. kins
- BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY IN OREGON
minister to
Richmond it may be said that begin work north of the Columbia
summer
of 1840 he went to a point about
In connection with Rev.
he was the
River
first
167
that in the
J.
P.
twenty miles from the present city of Tacoma, and built a log cabin, and surrounded it by a stockade for defense from the Indians, about three-quarters of a mile from old Fort Niswhich was a post of the Puget Sound Agricultural
qually,
Company, a branch of the Hudson's Bay Company, established in 1833, and that here, on August 16, 1841, Dr. W. H. Willson and Miss Chloe A. Clark were married. The first child of this union was the late Mrs. J. K. Gill of this city. The name of Willamette Falls was soon changed to Oregon City, and there Waller erected the first Protestant church on the Pacific Coast, the building of which was begun in 1843 and dedicated in 1844. in
A
little
Salem.
he built the first house of 1842 it was decided to create
later
in
Early worship an educational institution to be known as the Oregon Institute, and on October 26, 1842, it formally came under the control of the Methodist Church, and the "Oregon and California Mis-
was organized, by authority given by the General Conference of the United States, on September 5, 1849. At this time on the entire Pacific Coast there were 348 members of the Methodist Church and six probationers; of Stinday Schools there were nine, with 261 scholars. At the sion Conference"
March 22, 1853, which by that time Oregon Conference, there were 35 local preach-
close of the Conference of
was
called the
558 church members, and 214 probationers. first camp meeting in Oresron or on the coast was near what is now Hillsboro, and was begun on July 12, 1843. The first dav 14 were present, Rev. Jason Lee preaching from the
ers.
The
text.
"Where two
there
am
I in the
or three are gathered together in my name midst of them." The other ministers present
Rev. Gustavus Hines, Rev. H. K. W. Perkins, Rev. and Rev. Harvey Clark, the latter a Congregationalist. Mrs. Wiley Edwards, now of Portland, is probably were:
David
Leslie,
the only person living who was present at that meeting. On Sunday there were about 60 present, of whom 19 were not proGEORGE H. HIMES
168
the close of the day 16 of these made a public profession, among- them Joseph L. Meek, so well known in the early annals of Oregon. fessing Christians.
At
I now return to Dr. Parker. By the spring of 1835 he had been commissioned by the American Board, and had chosen Dr. Whitman to be his companion in undertaking "an exploring mission to ascertain by personal observation the condition of the country, the character of the Indian tribes, and the facilities
them."
for introducing the Gospel and civilization among Dr. Parker started on March 14, from Ithaca, New
York, and arrived at
St.
Louis on April
4, finding
Dr.
Whitman
They proceeded on their journey and arrived Here they met a large number at Green River on August 12. of Indians, and it became apparent at once that they were not prepared to do the work that they saw would be needed already there.
the Indians, consequently Dr. Whitman returned east, him two Ne Perce boys, whose presence in the with taking East greatly assisted him in arousing the Christian public
among
to activity in missionary effort.
The
effect of this
was
to
secure an adequate equipment, and in March, 1836, Dr. and
Mrs. Whitman, Rev. and Mrs. H. H. Spalding, and Mr. W. H. Gray started on the trip overland to Oregon. They arrived at Vancouver September 12. Mrs. Whitman and Mrs. Spalding were the first white women to cross the continent, and for the first time a wagon was brought to waters flowing into the Columbia.
Dr.
Whitman
at
once selected his mission station
west of the present city of Walla he and Mrs. Whitman went thither and in October and Walla, the work their Cayuses. In November Mr. and among began at Wai-il-et-pu, six miles
Mrs. Spalding went to Lapwai on the Clearwater, thirteen miles from the present city of Lewiston, a tributary of the Snake, and raised their standard among the Nez Perces. The mission church at Wai-il-et-pu
was formally organized August
That 18, 1838, with seven members. rived in the persons of Rev. Elkanah
fall
reinforcements ar-
Walker and wife, Rev. and Rev. A. B. Smith Eells and wife, W. H. wife, Cushing and all Andrew sent and wife, Rogers by the American Gray BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY IN OREGON
169
Board. All of these united with the mission church already referred to on Sept. 2d, making a membership of sixteen. At a
meeting held soon after Mr. Gray was selected to assist Mr. Spalding, Mr. Smith to aid Dr. Whitman, Messrs. Walker and Eells were to select a new location among the Spokanes, and the In the place chosen was six miles north of Spokane river. summer of 1839 Mr. Smith located at his own request at Kamiah, sixty miles from Lapwai, and remained until 1842, when he dissolved his connection with the mission and went to Sandwich Islands. In the fall of 1839 Mr. Gray removed from the mission and located in the Willamette, and for a time was a teacher at the Oregon Institute at Salem. With these exceptions the missionary force among the Indians remained the same until it was broken up by the massacre of Dr. Whitman, his wife, and twelve others on November 29-30, 1847.
In 1840 Rev. Harvey Clark and Rev. John S. Griffin came to
as independent Congregational missionaries. The location the a Indians of the Snake River among sought
Oregon
latter
abandoned it and came to the Willamette in the vicinity of what is now Hillsboro. and settled valley Mr. Clark also came to the valley and settled at West Tualatin, now Forest Grove. The first Congregational church to be organized was that of "The First Church of Tualatin Plains," as it was originally, called, in 1842, of which Rev. Mr. Griffin was the acting pastor. In 1845 the location was changed to Forest Grove, when Rev. Harvey Clark became the pastor. Early in his ministry a log house was built which answered for school use on week days and church purposes on Sunday. In this building what is now Pacific University had its origin. The second Congregational church organized was that at region, but finally
Oregon City, in 1844, with three members. This was really a Presbyterian church, and was first known as "The First Presbyterian Church of Willamette Falls." Rev. Mr. Clark served the church until 1847, walking thither from Forest Grove, at every preaching service, a distance of more than twenty miles. He was followed by Rev. Lewis Thompson, a Presbyterian minister,
who preached
a few times.
A
Mr. GEORGE H. HIMES
170
Robert Moore, the leading Presbyterian member, having withdrawn to assist in the organization of a Presbyterian Church on the west side of the river at Linn City, the remainder of the members, some time in the latter part of 1848, voted to change the name to the "First Congregational Church of Oregon City."
Rev. George H. Atkinson, of Massachusetts, a graduate of Andover, the first minister sent to the Pacific Coast by the
Home
Missionary Society, arrived at Oregon His first service was 23, 1848, via Cape Horn. a private house, and the membership of the church
Congregational City on June held in
numbered seven. Subsequent services were held in the court room and then in the basement of a house; but by August, 1850, a church edifice was erected at a cost of $3,900, and Lumber was $80.00 per thousand; carpenters' dedicated. a day; windows, twenty dollars apiece; and dollars ten wages in else proportion. The lot where the church now everything stands cost $250.00, and it was covered with heavy timber, most of which was removed by Dr. Atkinson. He did a good deal in aiding to build the church in carrying lumber, brick Labor was indeed very hard to get, as a large the population had gone to the gold mines in of proportion
and mortar.
Out of
two churches came the organization Oregon on July 13, 1848. was that at Milwaukie, Rev. 1850 in Horace by Lyman, with three memorganized At that time it was difficult to decide which was the bers. most promising place for a church, Milwaukie or Portland. At length, however, it became apparent that the latter place would lead, hence all the members at Milwaukie moved away. The fourth was the First of Portland, on June 15, 1851, by Rev. Horace Lyman, pastor, with ten members, and the fifth was that of the First Church of Salem on July 4, 1852, by Rev. D. R. Williams, who had taught school at Forest Grove for the greater part of the previous year. California.
these
of the Congregational Association of The third Congregational Church
our Baptist brethren the early church organizations The church of West Union, May 25, 1844, with six members. That fall Rev. Vincent Snelling, the first
Among
were
as follows: Baptist minister to reach Oregon, arrived and served this church for a time. Its location was a few miles north of Hillsboro, Washington County. Revs. Ezra Fisher and Hezekiah Johnson (1845) were the next Baptist ministers to arrive, and churches were organized at Yamhill and Rickreall in 1846, at Oregon City in 1847, at Clatsop plains, near Astoria, in 1848. These, with the West Union church, had a combined membership of 95. On June 23 and 24, 1848, pursuant to a call by the West Union church, an association was organized, each church being represented by four delegates. It was resolved that two hundred dollars be raised at once to employ a minister to travel and preach within the bounds of the association for one year. The church at Forest Grove was organized on May 22, 1852, and it was the thirteenth Baptist church organized in Oregon.
In the period under review there was but one Presbyterian church organized, that of Clatsop Plains, on September 19, 1846, by Rev. Lewis Thompson, and in the historical summary of the growth of the Presbyterian denomination in Oregon, published by the First Presbyterian Church in Portland under date of June 18, 1899, it asserted that that "was the first Presbyterian Church on the Pacific Coast."
The first service of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the original Oregon Territory was held at Vancouver in 1836, by Rev. Mr. Beaver, the chaplain of the Hudson's Bay Company. He held services at Cathlamet, also. Rev. St. M. Fackler held services at Champoeg, and possibly at Oregon City. The first Episcopal missionary was Rev. William Richmond, who arrived in Portland in May, 1851, and organized Trinity Church on May 18. On the 25th he organized St. Paul's at Oregon City. The first Roman Catholic Church in Portland was dedicated Feb. 22, 1852. By the end of 1854, the total number of Catholics in Oregon Territory was 303.
It is impossible to state with any degree of certainty the number of professed Christians connected with Protestant GEORGE H. HIMES
172
churches in Oregon at the close of the year 1852, but it will be seen from the foregoing that the Methodist, Congregational, Baptist, Presbyterian and Episcopalian denominations were represented in an organized form the aggregate of all probably not exceeding 1,000 persons. To my knowledge there
was a goodly number of the Disciples of Christ
known
as
"Campbellites"
in
this
field,
but
I
sometimes do not think
was any regular organization. The total population of Oregon at the close of the year 1849 was about 10,000.
there THE FEDERAL RELATIONS OF OREGON
V.
By LESTER BURRELL SHIPPEE, Ph. D.
CHAPTER X THE TREATY OF
1846
Simultaneously with the congressional agitation over the question of giving notice, the steps which were to lead to a settlement of the controversy between Great Britain and the United States were being taken. The British Government, as
had not been too pleased when Pakenham rejected way he did. After some uneasiness on the Lord as to how the question could be reof Aberdeen part since it that England must move first if was obvious opened, authorized was he Mr. Pakenham once more to done, anything
we have
seen,
Folk's offer in the
propose arbitration. Already, while awaiting new instructions from his government, Pakenham had talked matters over unofficially with Buchanan, who found the British minister no less friendly although more grave.
In anticipation of these informal con-
Buchanan had asked, at a Cabinet meeting, what sort of a manner he should assume with Pakenham; particularly he desired power to say that the President would submit a British proposition to the Senate. But Polk said he had not ferences
1
yet determined upon this course and under no circumstances would he intimate that he was thinking of it. Buchanan, therefore, could do no more than he had at previous times in the
of smoothing a path for renewed negotiations. however, inquire of Pakenham the significance of the
way
and naval
activity of
He
did,
military assured that the
Great Britain, and was to the United States.
preparations had no reference
This
assurance
Buchanan ask In the same 1
did
not
satisfy
the
President.
He had
McLane
to bring the question up with Aberdeen. 2 in which this query was sent Buchanan dispatch
Polk Diary,
I,
119-21.
2 Buchanan to MfcLane, 13 Dec. vate letter of same date, Ibid.
Works
of Buchanan, VI, 341-2.
Also
priLESTER BURRELL SHIPPEE
174
minister, although the President did not at first approve the notion, that in all probability if the British government should make a proposition for settling the Oregon told the
American
controversy the President would submit it to the Senate for advice. This hint was but one of those which, in the months
manner
which the negotiaWashington was the scene of action, with Pakenham and Buchanan the principals; quite as much, however, did the negotiation take place in London between Lord Aberdeen and Mr. McLane. The formal exchanges occurred in America; the real dickering was done in England. Buchanan's communications, both to Pakenham and to McLane, were always supervised and sometimes dictated by the President those to the minister in London afforded the
that followed, revealed the true tion
was being conducted
in
ostensibly
material for the campaign which finally brought the compro-
mise
offer.
On
the twenty-third of December McLane's hint that a new proposal for arbitration might soon be expected was received by Buchanan. It was discussed at length by the President and
and all agreed that arbitration could not be accepted, but Polk refused to allow the Secretary of State to tell Pakenham that a new proposition on which to base negotiations would be respectfully considered; this would mean that the United States had taken the first step, and Polk was
his Cabinet
determined that Great Britain should move definitely that
if
ports on the sea
first.
He
did say
Pakenham should offer the United States free and on the Straits of Fuca north of 49 degrees
he would confidentially consult three or four Senators from different parts of the country and might submit such a proposal to the Senate.
So
difficult
did
himself to the President's view as to
Buchanan find it to bring what constituted a proper
Pakenham's probable overture him what he should write 3 reply to
that Polk dictated to
"I would refer
him
to the correspondence
and your
last
note
3 In part the difficulty Polk had with Buchanan was due to the latter's disappointment about an appointment in Pennsylvania; he thought the President was using his patronage in such a way as to hurt him in his own state. Diary, I,
134-6, 143-7. THE FEDERAL RELATIONS
OF OREGON
175
of the 30th of August, and say, it has been at your option with a perfect liberty to propose any proposition you thought proper, and you had no reason to conclude from what had occurred here that the Government would not have treated such a proposition with respectful consideration when made. You have made no new proposition, & the question therefore stands in its present attitude."
Four days
later the
formal offer of arbitration was received.
Buchanan, when he received the note, agreed with Pakenham that he would like to see the question settled; although he would present the British proposition to the consideration of the President he must say that both he and the President thought a negotiation appeared the better way to go about After learning that the arbitration proposal the business.
would find little favor, P'akenham proceeded to comment on some of the bills introduced in Congress, particularly the ones which would make land grants to settlers; such measures, he believed, were in contravention of the terms of the convention of 1827. The proposed fortification of the Columbia River brought up the subject of the Hudson's Bay Company, and Buchanan understood from the drift of the conversation that the rights of this company formed one of the most serious obstacles to a settlement of the question. 4 In Cabinet it was discovered that the British proposition was to submit to an impartial tribunal not the question of title,
Oregon country, and all were in accord could not be accepted. As Buchanan wrote McLane, 5 to accept this basis would be to acknowledge that the President had been in error in asserting the title on the part of the United but of division of the
that
it
States, and it would be an admission that Great Britain had good title to some part of the territory. On this ground, then, Buchanan notified Pakenham that the proposition was inadmissible. The British minister this time was not inclined to balk at trifles and on his own authority, subject to the approval of 4 Pakenham to Buchanan, S. Doc. No. 117, agth C. ist S. Pakenham to A Memorandum to the Aberdeen, 29 Dec., Br. & For. S. Papers, 34:-i37-8. conversation is in Works of Buchanan, VI, 350-3. ist. Sea. See Polk, Diary, I, 1475 29 Dec., Sen. Doc. No. 489, 29th Cong
1
,
149. LESTER BURRELL SHIPPEE
176 his
government, he suggested a modification to meet the objecfirst let the title be considered by the arbiter, then, if it
tion
should be found that neither party had good title to all the region, an equitable line of division could be made. Further-
more, since there seemed to be some question as to whether there could be found a suitable arbiter, there might be a "mixed commission with an umpire, or a board composed of the most distinguished civilians and jurists of the time, appointed in such a manner as to bring all pending questions to the decision of 6 the most enlightened, impartial and independent minds." No immediate answer was returned to this proposal, not because Polk intended to accept it, but, as Buchanan informed
was desired to find out what had been the Annual Message upon the British government and people. McLane was told once more that the United States would never accept any proposition which involved the surrender of anything south of 49 degrees, and, in view of popular excitement, state legislature resolutions, and
McLane, 7 because
it
impression made by
the
the temper of Congress, "if the British
government intend
to
a proposition to this givernment they have not an hour to lose if they desire a peaceful termination of the controversy." While the second arbitration proposition was before the
make
administration Polk
made
to his Cabinet a tentative sugges-
which would have redoubled the efforts of the Whigs in Congress could they have known of it. He suggested for con-
tion
sideration a possibility for a
new
line of
approach to the solu-
appeared probable that no division of the territory could be agreed upon; let there be made a treaty of commerce, whereby each country agreed to relax tion of the question, since
its
restrictive tariffs;
it
Great Britain should lower her taxes
on American foodstuffs, cotton, tobacco and other articles to a "moderate revenue standard" and the United States would do the same with its duties on British manufactured articles. Such a reduction of the United States schedule of duties would 6 Buchanan to Pakenham, 3 Jan., Sen. Doc. No. 117; Pakenham to Buchanan, For. St. Papers, 34: 140, (20 Jan.) 16 Jan., Ibid.; Pakenham' to Aberdeen, Br. Given in full in Works of Buchanan, VI, 7 Buchanan to McLane, 29 Jan. Only parts of the letter were submitted to Congress. 366-8.
& THE FEDERAL RELATIONS
OF OREGON
177
be a great object for England and she might be willing to surrender all of Oregon if the United States should pay a
round sum for the improvements made by the Hudson's Bay 8 This suggestion was not enthusiastically received Company. Buchanan for one saw in it, if carried out, a total loss of popua larity in his own state, for Pennsylvania was not even then
good place
in
which to talk about lowering
tariffs.
On
the fourth of February Buchanan formally rejected the British offer of arbitration, stating that if for no other a single
reason was sufficient basis for the rejection; the territorial rights of a nation were not properly a subject for arbitration, 9 especially if, as in this case, the amount involved was great. States was title of the United he did that the as best, Holding
the President could not jeopardize all the great interests involved with the possibility, however remote, of depriving the
United States of
all
the
good harbors on the
coast.
The
ter-
ritory was not of equal value to both nations, for it could at best be but a colonial possession of Great Britain while it would
be an integral part of the American Union.
Although these on the question, they were presented because they would explain why the President refused to adopt any measure which would withdraw the title from the control of the Government and the people of the United States. With this rejection of arbitration considerations, said Buchanan,
had no
direct bearing
the negotiation rested for a time. While it had under consideration the answer to the British
minister the Cabinet had before
it
the resolutions from both
houses asking for copies of correspondence between the two governments later than that submitted with the Annual Mes-
Again a carefully warded by the President.
sage.
McLane
selected It
about the warlike
list
was prepared and
for-
included Buchanan's inquiry of preparations in Great Britain;
8 J. Q. Adams, when he read of the revolution in Great Britain's commercial policy then taking place, wrote in his diary (Memoirs, XII, 248) : "It is evi-
dent that the Oregon question will be settled by the repeal of the corn laws and the sacrifice of the American tariff; a bargain, both sides of which will be for the benefit of England, and to our disadvantage; a purchase of peace, the value of which can only be tested by time." The date of the entry is 20 February. Folk's suggestion is in his Diary, I, 191-2. 9 Buchanan to Pakenham, Sen. Doc. No. 117. LESTER BURRELL SHIPPER
178
McLane's reply reporting the conversation with Lord Aberdeen; and the formal notes relating to the propositions for arbitration. 10
McLane, meantime, had been
active in
London, although reported the British disapproval of Pakenham's rejection of Folk's offer, a disapproval, he said, which all classes expected to have weight with the always acting informally.
11
He
American government in disposing it to a favorable reception of further overtures which might be made for resuming negotiations. This had been indicated in Parliament 12 as well as in official circles outside.
the British
On
the basis of this disposition of that the last American
Government McLane urged
proposition be taken as the starting point for a final adjustment, allowing joint occupancy and free navigation of the
Columbia for a period of from seven to ten years longer. Better terms than these, he thought, were not to be obtained. To this suggestion Buchanan was directed, after a full Cabinet 13 to reply to McLane that the President would condiscussion, sent, though reluctantly, to present to the Senate for advice a 49 degrees to proposition on the lines indicated by McLane the sea and then the straits, but the matter of free ports must be omitted if the tip of Vancouver's Island were yielded,
although they might stand
if
49 degrees without deviation were
adopted.
-
,
^^TJ
"There is one point on which it is necessary to guard, whether the first or the second proposition should be submitted by the British government. The Strait of Fuca is an arm of the sea, and under public law all nations would possess the same right to navigate it, throughout its whole length, as they now have to the navigation of the British Channel. Still, to prevent further difficulties, this ought to be clearly and distinctly understood."
These
indications, sufficiently plain to us in studying the Polk was going to submit a compro-
period at a later date, that
XV, 332. For war preparations see Chap. XI McLane to Buchanan, 3 Feb., Sen. Doc. No. 489.
10 Globe, it
below,
t
12 3 Hansard, 83; 9 seq. 13 Polk, Diary, I, 244-5. VI, 377-83.
Buchanan
to
McLane, 26
Feb.,
Works of Buchanan, THE FEDERAL RELATIONS
OF OREGON
179
if one came, to the Senate, which would undoubtedly him to accept it, were not upon the surface then. Even members of his Cabinet were still a little uncertain of the
mise offer, advise
situation, and, except for those Senators with whom Polk talked freely and to whom he had stated that he would submit In a proposition to the Senate, Congress was wholly at sea.
was going on in the House was quiescent for the moment, although early in was in the forefront again. The war spirit had some-
the Senate the debate on the notice the topic
March
it
what subsided, however. The threatened change of ministry in England, which would have given Palmerston the Foreign Office, had not taken place and men felt that Aberdeen could be counted on to pursue a pacific course as long as he was 14 Nevertheless there was general given half an opportunity. unanimity in the belief that things must go on and be settled; the problem must be solved and giving notice was the first step on the American side. 15 Before McLane received an answer to his suggestion he wrote again, 16 following an interview with Lord Aberdeen, that the United States could not expect the British government to accept anything less than 49 degrees to the sea and free navigation of the Columbia for the Hudson's Bay Company for a period of years. If it should be found that the Columbia was not navigable at the point where it was crossed by the forty-ninth parallel this point would probably not be He reiterated his belief that no proposition insisted upon. of any sort would come until the notice had been acted upon in Congress. The same day he wrote Calhoun to much the same effect, although here he stated that he believed the British government, despite repeated refusals, still had some notion that the United States would ultimately agree to arbitration. 14 For instance the letters of Webster, Calhoun, Ingersoll and others review; there would be peace, although fust how they could not tell. Yet Poinsett wrote Van Buren, 2 Mar., (Vari Buren Papers, Vol. 53) : "I very R. J. much fear our foreign relations are becoming too complicated for the management of those, who now direct them, to be disentangled without war." 15 Buchanan analyzed the situation in a letter to McLane, 26 Feb., Works, d, *>dW VI, 385-7. I 16 To Buchanan, 3 Mar., No. West Bound, Arb.; to Calhoun, Correspondence of Calhoun, 1076-9. flect this
,-:
! LESTER BURRELL SHIPPEE
180
The American
cause, he felt, had been hurt by the long delay over the notice, as well as by the opinion of some American
writers
who
belittled the pretensions of the
United
States.
An
North American Review, especially, had produced in England the feeling that the claims of the United States were not, even in the minds of Americans, as good as had been stated. 17 Henry Wheaton, then on his way to Berlin as American minister to Prussia, had felt the British pulse as he stopped From there he wrote Calhoun 18 that he did not in London. believe the government or the people were inclined to push article
in
the
matters, nor did he think that the passage of the resolutions He told the for notice would be taken as a hostile measure.
"great mediator" (his own appellation) that he always let it be understood when anyone talked to him about Oregon that
49
must be adhered to as the most equitable boundary that there was no possibility of modifying this basis. This letter, and possibly the one from McLane, was in Calline,
houn's possession
when he made
his great speech in
March
and undoubtedly added to the conviction with which he urged a conciliatory course. Arbitration had been and
was being urged in England outIn the July (1845) issue of the Edinburgh Review Senior had exhaustively examined the Oregon quesside official circles.
tion
and had come to the conclusion that arbitration was the
only way out. The newspapers, when in a conciliatory mood, looked upon it as a most satisfactory solution. The London
Quarterly Review, however, believed that in the end a line 19 following 49 and the Straits of Fuca would be selected.
"We
more and more convinced by the advices which we American cabinet will not and if it would could not make any larger concession. It is, we believe, all that any American statesman could hope to carry, have
are
lately received, that the
and we are equally satisfied, that on our part, after so much delay and complication, and considering it in its future effect Bown's article, Jan., 1846. Other articles of the same tone are found in Feb., 1846. 8 10 Feb., Correspondence of Calhoun. 1071. 19 March, 1846, VoL XLVTI, 603. 17
American Whig Review, Jan. and 1 THE FEDERAL RELATIONS
OF OREGON
on the tranquility of the district itself, interests and sufficient for our honor."
Among
all
is
the best for our
mind was from Joshua
the other indications that the British
itself
adjusting
it
181
to 49
is
a
significant letter
Bates, head of the British banking house of Baring, to a Birmingham Quaker, Sturgis. Early in December he wrote that is about right and stockjobbers were saying "the 49 there can be no difficulty." This was written before Congress had received Folk's message so the suggestion of fuller terms
for a settlement are the
more
suggestive.
The Hudson's Bay
Company, he said, desired a settlement and might be more tractable if allowed twenty years' occupation and the right of pre-emption of the lands they were then cultivating, together with the right to elect their allegiance when the United States
assumed
full
"This
control.
Vancouver's Island
much
with
49
and
the
end
of
any American, be he Bostonian or Carolinian, will, I think, consent to give. If Great Britain is not satisfied with that, let them have war if they want it." 20 In April Bates wrote Sturgis that the Oregon is
as
as
21 Question was as good as settled. more than all the diplomatic notes.
"Your pamphlet has done I
claim the merit of sug-
mode of getting rid of the question of the Hudson's Bay Company and the navigation of the Columbia, by allowing the company to enjoy it for a fixed number of years. Mr. McLane and the Government had not thought of it. In the gesting the
Quarterly is an article written by Croker which completely adopts these views." The British government was, as McLane had more than
once pointed out, waiting for Congress to act upon the notice for as soon as word reached London that the Senate had passed the resolutions and before McLane had received instructions,
Aberdeen summoned him
to a
long conversation and
20 2 Dec. In No. West Bound. Arb., 42-3. 21 3 Apr., Ibid. The Quartely referred to is the London Quarterly Review J. Q. Adams received a copy of Sturgis' pamphlet, in which Bates' suggestions had been incorporated, also a letter from Sturgis who told him, Adams, that his speech in Oregon was inflaming his countrymen to war. Adams notes in his diary (Memoirs, XII, 256-7), that "Sturge" was a Quaker to whose unqualified Adams took the trouble to write denunciation of war he could not subscribe. Sturgis explaining his own position on the whole subject.
quoted above. LESTER BURRELL SHIPPEE
182
which he thought he should make. The proposition as outlined and as reported to Washington by McLane included ( 1 ) a boundary line following 49 to the seat and the Strait of Juan de Fuca with free talked over with
him the
offer
navigation of the Straits confirmed; (2) security of British and American property rights north and south of the proposed
boundary; and (3) free navigation of the Columbia for the Hudson's Bay Company, although Great Britain would claim no right to exercise any police or other jurisdiction for itself or the company the navigation rights would be under exactly
the
same conditions which should apply
"It
is
way
to
scarcely necessary for me to state," of comment, "that the proposition as
not received
my
countenance.
...
I
American citizens. added McLane by
now
submitted has
have therefore
felt
duty to discourage any expectation that it will be accepted by the President, or, if submitted to that body, approved by the Senate." 22 The two points, of free navigation of the Columbia and the claim to all Vancouver by Great Britain, seem it
my
to have impressed
McLane
with the fear that no adjustment
could be expected. He reported that Lord Aberdeen seemed to have the impression that the Senate would advise the President to accept these terms and the latter would not take the responsibility of rejecting them without consulting the Senate.
The same steamer which brought McLane's letter to the United States also bore instructions to Pakenham. After a careful review of the course of the British government on the Oregon Question and including a statement of the situation of the previous summer, Lord Aberdeen said that Her Majesty's government would "feel themselves criminal if they permitted considerations of diplomatic punctilio or etiquette to prevent them from making every proper exertion to avert the danger of calamities which they were unwilling to contemplate, but the magnitude of which scarcely admits of exaggeration." The legislature of the United States, moreover, had, in com-
plying with the recommendations of the President to terminate 22 To Buchanan, 18 May, No. West Bound. Arb., 49-5. wrote in similar vein. Correspondence of Calhoun, 1073-4.
To Calhoun he THE FEDERAL RELATIONS
OF OREGON
183
the convention of 1827, accompanied their decision with conTherefore the British government diciliatory sentiments.
minister in Washington to propose to the American government terms which had been drawn up in the form of a rected
its
treaty which accompanied the instructions. The relative concessions involved in the proposal were reviewed and compared
by Lord Aberdeen, but, said he, "I am not disposed to weigh minutely the precise amount of compensation or equivalent which may be received by either party but am con.
tent to
leave such estimiate to be
.
made by
.
reference to a
higher consideration than the mere balance of territorial loss or gain. We have sought peace in the spirit of peace." 23
Even more
conciliatory
was the
letter of private instructions
which accompanied the document intended to be shown the American Secretary of State. 24 Pakenham was told to conclude a treaty on the terms outlined, if possible, "since the present constitution of the Senate appears to offer a greater chance of acquiescence than might be present at any .
1
.
.
'
future period. However, if the President declined to accept the proposal, and made a counter-proposition, "you will express regret that you possess no power to admit any such modification, and, without absolutely rejecting whatever proposal may be submitted on the part of the United States, you
whole matter to your government."
will refer the
there
was
This time
to be no opportunity for a slip on the part of the
minister.
Before information reached America of the steps taken by the British government, men of the conciliation party felt that it was for the United States to show by some sign a disposition to settle the controversy and preserve peace, for, not being altogether in the confidence of the President they had not his conviction that an offer would be made from the other side.
Senator McDuffie thought that a renewal of the offer of 49 Richard Rush, who had accompany the notice.
should 23
3d Ss. 24
Aberden
to
Ibid., 228-9.
Pakenham, 18 May, S. Ex. Doc.,
I,
pt.
6,
226-8,
42d Cong. LESTER BURRELL SHIPPEE
184
eagerly watched the proceedings from the outside, wrote VicePresident Dallas to the same effect, and Dallas pressed this view upon the President. 25 To them as well as to all others
who raised the point Polk always move must come first from the
returned the same answer; other side, but he invariably
the
softened this statement by his old formula that, in confidence, he would say that he intended to submit any reasonable offer to the Senate for previous advice.
A more difficult situation faced the President on account of an article in the official organ, the Union. Ritchie, the editor, had not been taken into the confidence of the man whose general
views he was supposed to spread broadcast, so, when the was finally passed by Congress, he thundered out against
notice
the Democrats
who had combined
A
President.
the
much
ported that there was crats to
of
with the
Whigs
storm immediately arose.
somebody, they
said,
dissatisfaction
to oppose
Buchanan
among
the
re-
Demo-
ought to be associated with Ritchie
make the Union a strong paper and to prevent alienation members of the party. Allen, whose views the condemned
article like
might have been expected
to represent, thought a
man
(who with Rives had formerly conducted
Francis P. Blair
the Union) ought to be associated with Ritchie who could not get five votes as Public Printer from the Calhoun faction.
Polk himself agreed that although he disapproved the course of Calhoun and his followers, the article had been too denunciaHe talked it over with Ritchie, who was tory and severe.
much perturbed and excused late at night
and
himself by saying that he had
in a hurry.
prepared dent gave him the sketch of an it
him
to
"make out
I
Thereupon the Presion the matter, telling
what he pleased." "This is the second have been President," wrote the PresiDiary, "that I have sketched an article for the paper. of
or third time since
dent in his
article
it
I
did so in this instance to allay, if possible, the excitement I learned the article in yesterday's Union had produced
which
among
the Democratic members." 26
35 Polk, Diary, 26 I, 351 seq.
I,
348-9;
37THE FEDERAL RELATIONS
OF OREGON
185
Allen went so far as to propose to Cass that they take steps to convert the Congressional Globe into a daily and, under Blair and Rives, make it a new Democratic organ. Both Polk
and Cass, who grasped the situation more clearly than the Ohio Senator, saw that this would only split the party more since the proposed sheet would probably be a Van Buren and Wright paper and its first issue would be taken as the beginning of the next presidential campaign.
Allen did not press the topic
was dropped. Throughout the country
and
it
as a whole, except in parts of the of was looked upon as a virtual the the notice West, passage settlement of the Oregon Question, for they were few who
would refuse to consider a which in some compromise way was going to be proposed. Editorial advice was not wanting. For example the Charleston Mercury from the stronghold of Calhoun said, 27 believed that then the President
"We repeat that we are glad the matter is now in the hands of the President, with the wishes and views of Congress and the people clearly expressed we sincerely hope that he will not allow any mere notion of form or etiquette to prevent him from at once acting on England for the settlement of the boundary at 49. If we were to choose for ourselves we would rather be the party to make the offer of 49 one from the other side."
than to receive
Confidence that there would be no further hitch in settlement received a severe blow when the Mexican situation was brought before Congress and that body was stampeded into a declaration of war.
Calhoun,
who
tried to prevent the Presi-
dent's sending any message on the subject, feared that it would affect the European relations and arrest or possibly defeat the
of the Oregon Question. There would be, he a incentive for powerful thought, England and perhaps France Yet at the same time Buchanan was to get into the contest. 28
settlement
speaking "publicly and confidently of a settlement at 49" adding that this would not have been obtained if
and
27 Quoted in Niles* Register, 16 May. 28 See letters to T. C. Clemson, 12 and 14 May, to Correspondence of Calhoun, 690, 692-4.
J.
E. Calhoun, 29
May, LESTER BURRELL SHIPPEE
186
54 degrees 40 minutes had not been claimed. He asserted as 29 Such information, confidently that there would be no war. to express the of taken from was the State, Secretary coming sentiments of the Administration and could not
fail to
have
was undoubtedly fortunate for the Nevertheless effect. United States that the offer from Great Britain was sent as A new ministry was in office, with Lord Palmerston it was. it
of imperialistic tendencies as Foreign Secretary, when the treaty as ratified in the United States was received in London ;
would have been passing strange if such a ministry would not have held out for the demands first formulated by Canning had it seemed expedient to do so. As it was the treaty had been submitted to the Senate by the time England had received news of the outbreak of hostilities with Mexico. On June third Buchanan received McLane's letter forecasting the British offer. "If Mr. McLane is right in the character of the proposition which is to be made, it is certain that I cannot accept it, and it is a matter of doubt in my mind whether it
it
be such as
advice,"
I
ought
to
submit to the Senate for their previous President. 39 But he submitted the
commented the
Buchanan inclined to subletter to his Cabinet the next day. mitting the offer to the Senate, for, as he pointed out, if free navigation of the Columbia was only for the period of the existing charter of the Hudson's
the point
not be
also thought
Bancroft, should be submitted. vital.
Bay Company Marcy and Mason
would it
On June sixth the formal proposition from Pakenham was before the Cabinet where the discussion was largely over the proposed navigation concession. Buchanan had changed his mind and thought it doubtful whether the right would terminate in 1859 when the existing charter of the Company ex^Webster to Haven. 28 May. Speeches and Writings, XVI, 454- 'Nevertheonly two weeks before this Buchanan had urged Polk to allow him to send to the ministers of the United States in foreign countries along with the announcement of the war a statement that in going to war the object of the United States was not to dismember Mexico. When Polk refused Buchanan said "You will have war with England as well as Mexico and probably France, too, for neither of these powers will stand by and see California annexed to the United' States." less
Polk, Diary, I, .397-8. 30 Polk, Dutry, I, 444-8; 451-62 passim. THE FEDERAL RELATIONS
OF OREGON
187
Walker and Marcy agreed with Polk in thinking it would, and they, together with Bancroft and Johnson, said offer should go to the Senate. Buchanan was still in doubt; pired;
friends of 54 degrees 40 minutes were such good friends of the administration that he wished no backing out on the propo-
This volte-face on the part of the Secretary of State angered the President, although he records that he remained
sition.
calm, and caused him to explain that submission of a proposition was in line with the Annual Message, as well as in
accord with the acts of former presidents. Thereupon Buchanan said he would advise submission but declined to prepare the it. Privately the other members of the to the Cabinet spoke President expressing their astonishment at the course of Buchanan, and he explained it in this way
message to accompany
"My impression that Mr. Buchanan intends now to shun all responsibility for the submission of the British proposition to the Senate, but still he may wish it done without his agency, so that if the 54 40' men shall complain, he may be able to say that my message submitting it did not receive his sanction. I shall be disappointed if any message which can be drawn will receive his assent. He will choose to dissent and is
it is condemned he will escape all In his responsibility. dispatches to Mr. McLane I have more than once, & in the presence of the Cabinet, caused paragraphs to be struck out yielding as I thought too much to Great Britain, and now it is most strange that he should suddenly, and without assignment of any reason, take the opposite extreme, and talk as he did yesterday of 'backing out from 54 40'."
if
A
second time Buchanan was requested to draw up the message and refused, saying he would have no agency in its preparation; he also doubted if any of his own or McLane's dispatches ought to be sent to the Senate, which Polk explained to himself on the ground that
Buchanan had formerly
He was, however, diswith Folk's draft of a message and finally drew one up himself, but neither the President nor the rest of the Cabinet thought it was suitable, while Bancroft reminded his colleague
urged 49
and
this
would be shown.
satisfied
that he
had himself said a month ago "the
title
of the United LESTER BURRELL SHIPPEE
188
States north of 49 was a shakling one." After some more discussion Polk, with the assent of all but Buchanan, determined to send only that portion of his own draft which sub-
mitted the British offer, gave his
own
reasons for taking the
course, reiterated his opinions of the Annual Message, and ended with a declaration that he would be governed by the
He had already consulted several of had advised sending the offer although men had said that they would vote against accept-
advice of the Senate. 31 the Senators and
the 54
ing
40'
all
it.
Accordingly the proposition reached the Senate on June tenth, and as that body went into executive session Senator Sevier was heard to say,
"Now,
fifty-four forties,
come up
to
the scratch." 32
This they attempted to do, but numbers were and voted down every effort to block immediate them against consideration of the message and the offer. The next day
Haywood's resolution advising the President to accept the was adopted by a vote of 38 to 12, and even an amendment proposed by Niles to fix the time limit for the Hudson's 33 Bay Company's privileges was rejected. When the treaty itself was before the Senate for ratification Benton urged its acceptance as presented, but Cass said that it was not an ultimatum but a "project" to be met with a counteroffer
upon the correspondence of Mchad which Lane accompanied the treaty. Allen wished the of the peace men to be exposed to light by moving iniquities the suspension of the rule which closed the doors for executive session, but only a small group of 54 40' men would supproject, basing his contention
Message in Richardson, IV, 449-50. On the day the Message was sent Senate Polk offered to Buchanan to nominate him to the vacant position at the next session of Congress. Buchanan, who had been indicating that he would like the place, seemed gratified and, a little later, his name sent that be When convened in December, immediately. Congress urged however, he had changed his mind and did not wish the place, probably because si See
to the
on the Supreme Bench
presidential possibilities seemed brighter. 32 Register, 13 June. Globe, XV, 1223. The "veil of secrecy" was removed in July and the proceedings printed. 33 The point was brought to the attention of Pakenham by Buchanan who explained that the United States understood that the Company was to enjoy the McLane was also instructed privilege only for the duration of its actual charter. Buchanan to McLane, 13 June, Sen. to make this (point clear to Lord Aberdeen. Doc. No. 489. The treaty was signed, ratified and sent to England by Robert Armstrong, consul at Liverpool, on the 226. of June. THE FEDERAL RELATIONS The alignment on
OF OREGON
189
was the same as that were adopted two months before, with the exception of two votes Evans, a Maine Whig, had voted against the notice and now supported the treaty, port him. when the
resolutions
for
ratification
notice
while Cameron, a Pennsylvania Democrat, opposed the treaty although he had voted for the resolutions. Some of the Western Senators were not inclined to submit to their defeat without protest. Allen resigned his position as
chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, saying as he did so that his views and those of the majority of the Senate were so diametrically opposed that he felt it inadvisable 34 Cass, whom Allen urged to longer to retain the position. resign also, refused to do so but would not accept the chair-
manship which would naturally come to him.
Allen succeeded
in blocking the election of a successor to himself, being sup-
ported by Hannegan, Semple and Atchison, who had "lashed themselves into a passion" because of the action of the Senate
and who after "that time voted and acted with the Whig 35 They voted for Whigs for the committee position party." and refused "through many ballottings to vote for Senator Sevier, who was the Democratic candidate, and ultimately defeated his election." "They now," went on Polk in describing their conduct, "vote against my nominations as I suppose out of spite. They oppose and embarrass the military .
bills
.
.
for the prosecution of the
war against Mexico.
They pro(there is certainly no reason for their course) at the settlement of the Oregon question, and yet they can find no just cause of complaint against me. fess to be in a great rage
.
.
.
that of spoiled children." Later on Senator Atchison told the President that he had been excited on the
Their course
is
Oregon Question but he remained a personal and political friend. Hannegan, however, harbored so deep a resentment that it was not until the following January that he could bring himself to call upon the President." 36 34 Globt, XV, 972. 35 Polk, Diary. I, 472, 477, 486-7. 36 Ibid., II, 78, 348. Webster wrote his son that 54 deal cast down." Van Tyne, Letters, 330.
40'
men seemed
a "good LESTER BURRELL SHIPPER
190
Rumors
of what was going on found their
way
into
news-
papers and current discussion. In the House one last attempt to save the honor of the country was made by McDowell who asked for a suspension of the rules to allow him to intro-
duce a set of resolutions
in
which he asserted once more the
"clear and unquestionable title," in spite of which there had, "it is believed, within a few days past, (been) submitted to the
President, and through
him
to the Senate,
a proposition to
In view of the ignorance of the people as to what was going on he called upon the House to resolve with him that the question ought to be submitted to surrender half of Oregon.
the people for their decision, and that if the treaty-making power had been used to settle a question of such magnitude
would "furnish another example of Senatorial and Executive supremacy which (was) incompatible with the Constitution and
it
The House was not of his mind the rights of the people." and refused to suspend the rules. Representative Sawyer, however, denounced the President for backing down and the Senate for deliberately voting away half the disputed territory; "If England knew the character of the treaty-making power as it exists in the present Senate she could ask anything
We
are degenerate sons of noble sires." 37 she wants and gets it. There remains the question, not important perhaps, but of Was it Polk, interest, as to the real "savior of the country."
Benton, Calhoun or some other? On the day that the Senate advised the President to accept the British offer Calhoun wrote, "It is to me a great triumph. When I arrived here it
was dangerous
to whisper 49,
and
I
was thought
to
have taken
a hazardous step in asserting, that Mr. Polk had not disgraced the country in offering it. Now a treaty is made on it with nearly the unanimous voice of the country. I would have an
equal triumph on the Mexican question, now the Oregon 38 settled, had an opportunity been afforded to discuss it."
is
Senator Benton claimed that he had proposed the course 37 Globe, XV, 979. 16 June. 38 To T. C. Clemson, n June; to Correspondence, 697, 698.
J.
E.
Calhoun
in the
same
strain, 2 July; THE FEDERAL RELATIONS which led out of the
difficulty,
offer to the senate. 39
The
OF OREGON
191
that of submitting a British
President, he said, had been in a at the the public of his offer of 49, he reception by quandry had quailed before the storm raised by five hundred Demo-
and he had underhandedly urged Senators, 40 including Benton himself, to speak in favor of Forty-nine. Benton saw all the Whig Senators and found that they intended to act in the best interests of the country, patriotically, in spite
cratic newspapers,
them by the Administration. As for himhe was although subjected to similar attacks, he pursued his course depending neither upon the President nor upon
of the attacks upon self,
the newspapers, but guided by his study of the question for Four years later, in 1850, he referred to twenty-five years.
on Oregon as not only having been opposed by Greenhow's book but by those who had made that " false and shallow" document the compendium of all knowledge "When I was actually extricating the United States from war by exposing the truth (about 49 as a line) I was blackguarded his course
41
organ, calling itself Democratic, by Greenhow." Besides the President, whose course will be considered in
in the
the next chapter, there may be another claimant of the honor. In 1847 a candidate for Parliament from Glasgow, McGregor, told
how
he had received a letter from Daniel Webster saying was an equitable compromise at the forty-
that unless there
ninth parallel as a basis there would be trouble between the two countries. 42 "Mr. McGregor agreeing entirely with Mr. Webster in the propriety of a mutual giving and taking to avoid a rupture, and more especially as the whole territory in dispute was not worth 20,000 pounds to either power, while the preparations alone for war would cost a great deal more before the countries could come into actual conflict, communicated the contents of Mr. Webster's letter to Lord John Russell, who 39 Thirty Years' View, II, 673 seq. 40 On the third of January, 1846, Preston King had the House clerk read a charge made in the London Times that Polk would rely upon the Whigs and a few Democrats to block the action of the House; Polk would thus appear popular in the West, by a daring declaration, while England and the South would prevent fatal consequences. Globe, XV, 131.
Nw
1 552-3. Pt. 2, 1662AA1, ft. XXI. London Examiner, 24 July,
41 YtHrf.. Ibid.,
gon
t .
372-3.
1847, quoted in Marshall, Acquisition of
Or~ LESTER BURRELL SHIPPEE
192 at the time
was
living in the neighborhood of Edinburgh,
and
in reply received a letter from Cord John, in which he stated his entire accordance with the proposal recommended by Mr.
Webster and approved by Mr. McGregor, and requested the latter, as he (Lord John) was not in a position to do it himMr. McGregor, self, to intimate his opinion to Lord Aberdeen. through Lord Canning, Under Secretary of the Foreign Department, did so, and the result was that the first packet that left England carried out to America the proposition in accordance with the communication already referred to on which the treaty of Oregon was happily concluded. Mr. McGregor may therefore be very justly said to have been the instrument of preserving the peace of the world, and for that alone, if he had no other service to appeal to, he has justly earned the applause and admiration not of his own countrymen only, but of all men who desire to promote the best interests of the
human
race."
Whether
it
was Mr. McGregor or Mr. Webster who was
the "instrument of preserving the peace of the world," or whether a further claim could be brought by Joshua Bates or any other, it is sufficiently obvious that no one man could
claim the merit of having brought about the adjustment. So far as the United States was concerned it is sufficient to point
out that events clearly showed that no one man, President or The Senator, was in a position to determine the outcome.
North and the South wanted no war, and they were lukewarm about Oregon. As the Charleston Mercury put it just after the notice had been authorized by Congress
"What
has Congress been doing? Why carry out western measures under western dictation? Oregon and 54, 40 with its kindred measures rifle regiments, mounted and un-
mounted
increase of the
establish our laws in
army bills to protect settlers and Oregon mail facilities to Oregon, to
be followed soon, we suppose, with a grand railroad to Oregon. then nearer home, their rivers and harbors, and that most magnificent of all humbugs, the Cumberland road a regular wagon road. Thanks to the economical sensibilities of the Yankees, this was too much for even their stomachs, and they
And
threw
it
up."
43 Quoted
43
in<
NileS Register, 16 May. CHAPTER XI. POLK AND OREGON The most spectacular as well as the most critical episode in the history of Oregon's relations to the Federal government of the United States is inextricably bound up with James K. Polk.
Any
study of the Oregon Question in its last diplomatic makes President Polk the central figure,
stages necessarily whether the topic
is
viewed as an issue
in
Congress or an
international controversy between Great Britain and the United In fact, adequately to treat the subject in the period States. from March, 1845, to June, 1846, necessitates an attack from
three points the diplomatic, the Congressional including the Senatorial action in executive capacity and from the plans
of President Polk. it
is
The
difficult to deal
three phases are so interwoven that with one and not introduce the others,
and yet each has its individual stamp and must be followed out by itself if a clear picture is to be presented. Having, in the foregoing chapters, taken the Congressional and diplomatic sides, it remains to consider the problem of Folk's attitude on the
Oregon Question.
And
a problem it is. Polk has left us his diary, which in four good sized volumes, with an intimate account makes print of his life while he was President, with the exception of the
The diary is an period between March and August, 1845. invaluable document for throwing light upon most sides of national political activity during one administration, and it was the Oregon Question itself that suggested keeping such
a record, for, says Polk, in the entry of 26 August, 1846
!
"Twelve months ago this day, a very important conversation took place in Cabinet between myself and Mr. Buchanan on the Oregon Question. This conversation was of so important a character, that I deemed it proper on the same evening to reduce the substance of it to writing for the purpose of retaining 1
it
more
II, 100-1.
distinctly in
my memory.
...
It
was
this LESTER BURRELL SHIPPEE
194
circumstance which first suggested to me the idea, if not the necessity, of keeping a journal or diary of events and transactions which might occur during my presidency."
The
resolution
was
faithfully carried out
and to Folk's care-
each day's events is due in considerable of the inside factors of the political game our knowledge part Shrewd comments on men in public of that eventful period. life afford glimpses which illuminate otherwise obscure occurful transcription of
rences. Yet in one respect the Diary is most exasperating: nowhere does Polk let us see completely enough the workings of his own mind to ascertain how he came to adopt the course he followed with respect to Oregon. So far from explaining his apparent volte-face Polk assumes or seems to assume that his course from the beginning was undeviating and that which happened, so far as he personally was concerned, was exactly what might have been expected. Consequently there is no help in his definite statements, and it becomes necessary to gather hints as they seem to have been casually, perhaps, un-
consciously, dropped.
Three possible explanations of Polk's course naturally suggest themselves
the declaration of the Baltimore convention
political thunder which was intended to influence voters in a certain section, and Polk's inaugural was in harmony with it in order to maintain the ruse for a decent time; a second possibility is that while Polk really took the Baltimore plat-
was
form in good faith, events, too strong for him to resist, forced him to depart from its pronouncement; a remaining solution would attribute to Polk a plan by which he intended from the outset to accept a compromise at the proper moment. Although leading to the same end this last explanation differs from the first in that a policy of laissez-faire finds no place in it. It is necessary to recall the words of the Baltimore convention respecting Oregon: "Resolved, That our title to the whole of the territory of Oregon is clear and unquestionable that no portion of the same ought to be ceded to England or
any other power." Compare this with the statement in Polk's Inaugural Address: "Nor will it become in less degree my THE FEDERAL RELATIONS
OF OREGON
195
duty to assert and maintain, by all constitutional means, the right of the United States to that portion of our territory which lies beyond the Rocky Mountains. Our title to the country
Oregon is 'clear and unquestionable' and already our people are preparing to perfect that title by occupying it with their The world beholds the peaceful wives and children. of
.
.
.
triumphs of the industry of our emigrants. To us belongs the duty of protecting them adequately wherever they may be upon our soil. The jurisdiction and the benefits of our republican institutions, should be extended over them in the distant regions they have selected for their homes." Certainly no one can blame the westerner from reading in this a con-
firmation of his belief that all of
upon, and
all
meant up
to 54
Oregon was
The same impression was forced upon sible for the declaration of the
to be insisted
40'.
others,
more respon-
Democratic party
at Baltimore.
John C. Calhoun as Secretary of State was telling Mr. Pakenham, the British minister, that the parallel of 49 North Latitude was the lowest line the United States would accept, although he hinted that perhaps the United States might not insist upon the tip of Vancouver's Island. At the same time the popular understanding in the country at large
was
that the
Democratic party would never accept anything less than the Russian line. Calhoun, while not on the surface an active worker in the preliminaries of the Baltimore convention, was the leader of his party in the South and was not unacquainted with the causes which led to the nomination of President Polk.
Yet Calhoun, in May, 1845, when writing his daughter about not being in the newly-formed cabinet, declared that with Folk's "imprudent declaration in the (Inaugural Address) in reference to the Oregon question, I could not have remained in it had he invited me. I did my best in a conversation I had with him, a week or ten days before he delivered his inaugural,
him against the course he took in reference to Oreogn, but it seems in vain." He went on to say that he had had the negotiation in such a state that he saw his way through and would have laid the results before Congress at the last session, to guard LESTER BURRELL SHIPPEE
196
had Mr. Pakenham received expected instructions from
government
To
his
in time. 2
Francis
W.
Pickens 3 he wrote in the same strain
"I fear
Mr. Polk has taken a false view of that important question. The remarks of the inaugural in reference to it, have made it impossible to settle
it
by negotiation, unless he
"I
my
retracts, or ex-
." away what he has said. saw the danger, and endeavored to guard Mr.
plains
first
.
.
interview, against
it
but as
it
seems
in vain.
Polk, in I,
also,
endeavored to guard Mr. Buchanan, but I know not whether with more success. A war with England about Oregon would be the most fatal step, that can be taken and yet there is great danger that it will come to that. In my opinion, if prevented, it must be by the Senate and the South. The question might have been successfully managed. I saw my way clearly ." through it, and left it in a good way. It is fairly clear that Calhoun never thought that any presi;
.
dential candidate
when he had won
.
the campaign and had been
inaugurated would ever take seriously the literal words of a campaign slogan. Such was the view of the Democracy of the South and of the North for the most part only in the West, and there were exceptions there, was Polk expected to
Thomas Benton said that 54 40' was adopted as a "campaign message" and the framers of the platform knew little of the geographical situation or of former
adhere to the plank.
treaties
and negotiations. 4
The bulk
of the
Democracy
in the
House
of Representatives, however, appeared to be convinced that Folk's words meant what all believed to be the literal
meaning of the platform, and this view was strengthened when his first Annual Message outlined what he had done in the summer of 1845 and apparently reiterated his determination never to surrender a foot of Oregon. The Whigs, too, understood him in the same way and did; their best to show that this meant war with Great Britain. 2 22_May, 1845, Correspondence, 656. to J
showed that his views were shared by many of 4 Thirty Years' View, II. 677.
his political friends. THE FEDERAL RELATIONS The
Whig and
press,
Calhoun had into the to
its
seen, for
if
OF OREGON
197
Democratic, saw in the Inaugural what the Oregon Question had been pushed
background during the presidential campaign, it came in the publicity attained from the time the Inaugural
own
was pronounced
to the
Treaty of 1846. With growing intensity was waged, for the most part along
the newspaper discussion
party lines. The Whig papers deplored the tone of the President and brought forward arguments and assertions as to why negotiations should be continued and a compromise
On
reached.
hand the Democratic papers, taking the
the other
new Administration paper, the Union, backed the cry for all of Oregon, although some portions of the Southern press would not take the same stand. The Charleston lead from the
Courier,
5
for example,
showed the influence of Calhoun's views
when, discussing the Inaugural, it advocated a compromise "in which each party may relinquish a part of its extreme claim, with no loss of honor, nor surrender of dignity, or sacrifice of material interests." But the New York Evening Post 6 had
gathered a large number of leading articles from western papers and was gratified to see "the cordial unanimity of opinion with which (the Oregon Question) is taken up, and the universal determination that our rights to the territory should be stoutly
and ably advocated. There is but one sentiment and one voice on the subject. What is clearly ours will be so claimed and maintained, let Great Britain take offense as she may." "Undoubtedly," was the reply of the National Intelligencer is clearly ours' ought to be 'so claimed and maintained,' at the proper time and in a proper manner. But the very question at issue, in this case, between the United States and Great Britain, was deemed a fit subject for
(Whig), "'what
tions
now The
negotiaprevious administrations of this government, and admitted by the present to be such, is, what is ours ?
by
all
'universal determination,' the
clearly will grant,
Evening Post
cannot determine a question of right." Between the National Intelligencer and the Union arose an
- '*
5
p^oted
Register, 31
May,
1845. LESTER BURRELL SHIPPEE
198
The controversy over the tone of the Inaugural. of the defeat was and sore over as it Clay, Intelligencer, Whig took many occasions to point out the defects of the Administraeditorial
on the most pressing matter of Oregon. of these articles reviewed the situation and concluded
tion's policy, especially
One
with the opinion that the "case should go forward to its peaceand reasonable decision; and we hope, as is our public 7 duty, that it will, in spite of all blusterers, cis or trans- Atlantic."
ful
The response of the Union to this leader represents the views of the Administration so far as those could be read by the public in general, for Ritchie, a strong Polk man in the campaign, had left the Richmond Enquirer to come to Washington as editor of Folk's organ. Ritchie's answer, then, to Gales and Seaton may well have been considered an outline of Folk's
desired interpretation of the Inaugural and as such to
enough
be liberally quoted
is
important
"We do not understand that the executive of the United States have any intention of closing the door to any negotiation with Great Britain on the Oregon Question, and, therefore, we might suppose that all the inferences which the National Intelligencer draws from the supposed Violent ground that the United States (for instance) will not negotiate' upon such a course, leaving us the 'alternatives of submission or war' and all denunciations which it so gratuitously pours forth upon the 'shocking absurdity' and the barbarous doctrine that 'we ought not to negotiate,' (which the National Intelligencer attributes to some of the republicans,) and thus we revive the 'old umpirage of private rights the wager of battle' are entirely
misplaced.
"We
do not understand that the negotiation about an end or that our administration is determined or willing to terminate it or that there is no prospect of amicably adjusting the dispute; or that it must necessarily end in certainly
Oregon
is
at
We yet breaking up the peace of the two countries. trust that the 'case may go forward to its peaceful and reason.
.
able decision' and in spite, too, of all unnecessary menaces of the British ministers and all the blusterings of the London journals. "Instead of giving gratuitous and superfluous advice to our
7 13
May. THE FEDERAL RELATIONS cabinet,
we should have been
Intelligencer
OF OREGON
199
better pleased to see the National
coming out with the expression of
its
own
We
should have been better opinions on the question itself. satisfied to have seen the National Intelligencer vindicating the just claims of our country against the assaults and arguments of British tongues and British pens and we still hope to see that journal thus employed and not again, as in the case of Texas, counteracting the rights and interests of our own
country."
To
this exposition the Intelligencer called the attention of readers and bade them mark the course of the government which had had its course thus outlined in a reputed organ: "We who watch the power, can now oblige it to speak out, and, when it has spoken, can force it to stand to what it has said." The editors considered that the Administration had in so its
many words bound itself to negotiate on the "question which has spread so much alarm through the moneyed and commerthe Oregon question." 8 cial interests of the country Most western papers and many of the northern papers of Democratic tendencies looked upon Folk's pronouncements as unequivocal in
its
support of the claim to 54
40'.
The Whig
papers and some of the southern Democratic papers, as noted above, reflected the views shown in the citations above. Here and there, however, was sounded a note, bitter in the West
and hopeful in the East, which indicated a shade of doubt. The St. Louis Republican, for instance, after printing a letter in which Peter Burnett discussed the possibility of an inde9
pendent Oregon, said: "In reality there is no reasonable prospect of a settlement of the question by negotiation, for years to come; and there is an influence in the administration of Mr. Polk, which will prevent Neither Mr. Calhoun nor any a resort to any other means. of his friends, in South Carolina, nor any of the mettlesome statesmen of that school, who were so hot in the pursuit of Texas, will tolerate or permit a resort to arms in defense of our rightful claim to Oregon. They will have no war with Great Britain, come what else may; and Mr. Polk is not the man to defy them in such a contingency. What is now only 8
The
articles
were in the Intelligencer,
5
and
7
May;
quoted in Niles' Register of 10 May. 9 Of 9 August, 1845, quoted in Register, ^3 August.
the Union articles a*e LESTER BURRELL SHIPPEE
200
in contemplation in Oregon (i. e., an independent establishment) may, therefore, soon become absolutely necessary to their own security, and all will admit that there is excitement enoug"h in the project of organization of an independent government, and the offices and honors which even such a government would bring with it, to make it acceptable to a people so far removed from the United States as that of Oregon." But if the President needed only moral support in his pursuit of a policy which would prefer war to the surrender of one
inch of Oregon's soil that support was forthcoming in various ways aside from speeches in Congress and newspaper articles. In Illinois, for instance, there was held a State convention at
which bound
it
was resolved "that the general government were
to adhere to the declarations of President Polk, in his inaugural speech in relation to Oregon, and to maintain and
defend our right to every inch of that territory." 10
Governor
message to the New Hampshire legislature in June of 1845, went into an analysis of the situation and asserted that previous offers of compromise had been
John H.
Steele, in his
unfortunate: 11 "I say unfortunate, because no people or government ever yet admitted, or even proposed to waive or yield any of its rights to the claims or demands of Great Britain, but in the end had cause to repent of so doing." The memory of the disgraceful proceedings by which "that haughty power obtained possession of a large portion of the State of Maine" ought to be in people's minds, and warned by it the administration should not again be coaxed or threatened out of just "But it is not my desire or intention to enter into a rights. discussion of that question. It is in the hands of an able and patriotic administration, who will no doubt, use every honorable exertion to bring it to an amicable close. At any rate, I feel confident that no timid concession, no unmanly surrender of clear rights, will be made and that no truckling to menace will again stain the annals of our beloved country."
In one of the counties of Pennsylvania a meeting came to the resolution that, "in regard to our just claims to Oregon, we will have no compromises but at the cannon's mouth."
A
1
10 In Niles Register, 19 July. 11 Ibid., 21 June. THE FEDERAL RELATIONS
OF OREGON
201
largely attended meeting in Marion County, Illinois, declared 40' was clear and the joint occupation that the title to 54
agreement should be terminated immediately and military posts 12 Such expressions of established on the road to Oregon. popular feeling are but indicative of a sentiment which was growing with rapidity in the summer and autumn of 1845 and upon which the conservative elements of the North and South looked with apprehension. Across the water a similar popular clamor was rising as a result of the Inaugural. The matter was considered important
from Lord John Russell a question in the House the answer of Sir Robert Peel was not of a character which would allay apprehensions. The British press was stirred into renewed activity and, led by the London
enough to
of
elicit
Commons, 13 and
Times, conducted a campaign of education as to the sinister The blunt statement of Presidesigns of the United States. dent Polk had been a blow to the amour-propre of England and the feeling was everywhere expressed that the insolent Yankee must be taught to adopt a different tone. "There are certain
animals that
them,"
the
is
may be led, but won't be driven way Wilmer & Smith's Times
Bull
put
it.
is
one of "In his
intercourse with foreigners he prides himself upon his courThe new tesy, and he expects the same courtesy in return. has stirred his president's peremptory style bile, and the up
House
of
Commons
has scarcely reassembled after the Easter
when Lord John
Russell's" question brought up the went on to call attention to the London Times' editorial which could be considered an indication of the stand which the government would take. 14 recess,
matter.
This
article
"We are justly proud" said the Times, "that on the Oregon question as well as on that of the northeastern boundary the British government has uniformly shown its moderation as well as its firmness on our side. It is impossible not to deplore, on the other hand, that ill regulated, overbearing, and aggressive spirit of American democracy, which overlooks the real 1.2 Several such items are in the Register for 9 August 13 3 Hansard, 79; 178 sea. 14 Niles' Register of 26 April contains these as well as other quotations from the press of England. LESTER BURRELL SHIPPEE
202
present interests of the two nations in the Oregon territory namely, of letting it alone for another half century at local least, or deciding the matter by arbitration before any interests have sprung up too powerful to be so disposed of. "But, since the Americans, and even the press of the United States, are determined that the question shall be allowed to since they have rejected the proposal for an rest no longer arbitration, and ostentatiously announce claims and measures utterly inconsistent with the system of joint occupation, or the that,
fit equitable recognition of any concurrent rights at all, it is that they be warned in the most explicit manner that their pretensions amount, if acted upon to the clearest causa belli which has ever yet arisen between Great Britain and the Amer-
ican Union."
Such was the view of the Times, and such was the
attitude
of the British press in general, although there were suggestions that the whole matter might still be arranged if the proper attitude on the part of the
American government could be
The more moderate papers went so far as to suggest modifications which might be made on each side to effect
restored.
the
a settlement, suggestions which were in the air on both sides of the Atlantic and which eventually found their way into the
London Examiner after setting it would be madness
treaty.
So
on both
sides claimed that
the
forth the claims for either party
maximum, hence the only question was what was minimum which would be accepted by each; forty-nine to
to claim its
the the
sea
with
all
Vancouver's Island for Great Britain,
it
15 The thought, was the basis for such a mutual surrender. same proposal was made by Senior in the Edinburgh Review, much to the disgust of the more radical prints. 16 The Examiner admitted that whatever policy Lord Aberdeen should adopt "The American his course would be attended with difficulty. negotiator will employ against him every sort of misrepresenta-
and facts for though the national law of the American courts and legal writers is admirable, that of their diplomatists, and indeed of diplomatists in general, is usually a tissue of sophistry and falsehood. We trust that the English tion of principle
15 25 April, 1845, quoted in Register, 14 June. liberally from those of the opposite side.
16
Of
July. 1845; Vol. 82:123-37.
Papers on both sides quoted THE FEDERAL RELATIONS
OF OREGON
203
It is clear that negotiators will not follow their example." the editors of the Examiner had not learned that American
diplomacy differed from all other in the world. So the war talk on both sides of the ocean grew as the uncompromising stand of Polk during 1845 prevented any immediate adjustment. If this stand was maintained in order
manner a political game, a mere with a promise never intended to of up appearances keeping 17 be kept, then it came dangerously near producing a tragedy. Yet those who were close to the President found in his words to carry out in a realistic
same meaning that the more sanguine westerners approved, and that the British public and conservative elements in Amer-
the
ica feared.
The Inaugural had its share in making it President to find a man to his liking to replace
difficult for
Edward
the
Everett
Calhoun, who declined the honor, wrote Francis W. Pickens, who had also been approached, 18 "In addition to the reasons you have assigned, there are others as minister to Great Britain.
connected with the Oregon question as it stands, which I fear, would make the position of a minister in England who true to the South embarrassing, should he be charged with any duties connected with it." Martin Van Buren was sounded is
on the subject and refused the mission
after he
had consulted
One
of these, 19 after talking the question over with Governor Silas Wright of New York, wrote that the
with his friends.
President had no right to make such a request of an exPresident unless he put it on the ground of a great emergency "if the President would call an extra session of Congress and
present your name, then the country would say you ought not to decline, "but the demand should be so strong as to take the whole matter of the Oregon Question out of the "hands of 17 The Paris Journal des Debates and the Globe, both) Guizot papers and proBritish, held that the American demands were unreasonable, and it was hinted that a rupture between the United States and Great Britain would show the sympathy, if not actual intervention, of France would be for England. (Register, 7 Jun.) La Presse, hostile both to the French ministry and to England, said the stand of the United States "as to the territory of Oregon not sustainable." La Constitutionel, Thiers' organ, attacked the French tendency to lean toward Great Britain "to the prejudice of an ancient and faithful ally like the United States." (Register, 14 June.) 18 Correspondence of Calhoun, 653. 19 N. C. Flagg to Van Buren* 16 May, 1845. Van Buren Papers, 53. LESTER BURRELL SHIPPEE
204
Franklin H. Elmore of South the Baltimore conspirators." Carolina was also invited to accept the post but he too declined it.
Louis McLane, of Delaware,
finally
consented to undertake
Mr. McLane had had wide experience in public service he had served in both houses of Congress, had been a minister to Great Britain, and had, under Jackson, been SecreNevertheless, tary of the Treasury and Secretary of State. from a party standpoint, his appointment was looked upon as the task.
peculiar.
"I do not understand the selection of McLane unless it was made under the excessive horror of 'cliques' about which poor old Mr. Ritchie proses so much, and it was thought that it was better to select for so high a mark of honour one who was no democrat at all than any of those who had the mis-
fortune as to be such prominent democrats as not to escape belonging to some clique or other north, east, south, or west. It has sometimes occurred to me that the President and the Secretary of State see that in the present public feeling about Oregon they cannot yield any thing and that (notwithstanding the disclaimers) they intend to let the negotiation be really in London, and to throw upon the minister there the concession which may be submitted to. I must say I have more confidence in Mr. McLane's spirit and sagacity than I have in those of the President or Secretary and think he will make an abler negotiator than either of them but I can hardly think of any one whose acts will be more jealously watched 20 by the democracy of every section of the country."
made
While Mr. Gilpin's surmises regarding the probable outcome were tinged with a certain shrewdness he was evidently unaware of the efforts Polk had made to obtain the services of eminent democrats before he turned to McLane. In the Cabinet there was, certainly until late in 1845, a conwould be a break with Great Britain before After the proposal of 49 the President would yield a point. viction that there
had been made and refused, and when the question of withdrawing the offer was being discussed, Buchanan struggled hard to leave a loophole through which the British minister ^~H.
D. Gilpin to Van Buren, 7 July, Ibid. THE FEDERAL RELATIONS
OF OREGON
205
21 Polk might gracefully bring back a counter-proposition. much to the had was obdurate he question and thought given had been "it he was glad the offer rejected; having been rebound & not now be no would longer by it, jected he felt that the Secretary's boundary." To willing to compromise on
suggestion that war might follow the President replied, "If we have war it will not be our fault." Buchanan then stated that he supposed there would be a war sometime but he did not think the people of the United States would be willing and if there to sustain a war for the country north of 49
would like to have it for some better cause, "for some of our rights of person or property or of National honour violated." Whereupn Polk told him that he differed as as to popular sentiment and he thought "we had the strongest evidence that was to be anywhere seen that the people would be prompt and ready to sustain the Government in the course which he had proposed to pursue." Many a time in the months following (this conversation
had
to be one he
took place in the latter part of August) did the Secretary of State strive to secure some definite word which he could use in his negotiation and to the comfort of his own soul, to the effect that a compromise could be made, but he was forced reluctantly to resign himself to the belief that the President was bent on maintaining the stand of the Inaugural which
seemed to be "Fifty-Four Forty or Fight." Such too was the opinion of the other members of his Cabinet although no other of them found it so hard to be reconciled as did Buchanan.
And
today, in reading the record left by President Polk himhow any other view could have been reached. Yet is is to be noticed that nowhere did Polk record self, it is difficult to see
that he
would make no compromise; nowhere did he say that insist on the full claim.
he intended irrevocably to
At this point it is interesting to note the views of two contemporary historians of Folk's administration. Lucien B. Chase, a Tennessee Democrat and a member of both the ai Polk, Diary, I, 4. This is from an entry on a separate sheet noting the sonrersation which was responsible for the diary. LESTER BURRELL SHIPPEE
206
Twenty-ninth and Thirtieth Congresses, was a sympathetic biographer, and his work was published in 1851 when all the events of the period were fresh in mind; furthermore Mr. Chase felt himself in close touch with what was going on both through members of both houses of Congress and on account of his relations to the President.
excerpt shows how
little
Nevertheless the following know of the situation: 22
he really did
"In connection with the Oregon Question, Mr. Polk committed a fatal error, amounting to what Tallyrand would call a 'blunder,' and which, having the effect of alienating some of his warmest friends greatly embarrassed his administration throughout. In his first communication to the American people, he proclaimed to the world, that pur title to the country of the Oregon was 'clear and unquestionable.' In that assertion he was but reiterating the opinions of his constituents, solemnly expressed at the ballot-box. The statement was still more solemnly uttered in his message to Congress. In the same communication he announced a principle which should control the Government of the United States. If it is the unchangeable policy of this country to prevent Europeans from colonizing any portion of this continent, it applies to a territory to which we have no claim, as well as that which belongs to us; and if we cannot suffer them to colonize parts of the American continent to which we have no claim, how can we surrender territory to which our title is 'clear and unquestionable' ?
"In this communication (i. e., that asking the advice of the Senate on the British proposition) he committed himself to the action of the Senate, and it was well understood at Washington what advice that body would give him. To reject the proposal of the English Government would have brought him into collision with a large majority of the Senate. The nerves which had remained unmoved in many political struggles, and the firmness which had often overcome the most fiery opposition, where the cheeks of the resolute and bold blanched with terror, were shaken at the prospect of a rupture with Great Britain unsanctioned by one branch of the legislative power." (pp. 50-1.)
Another contemporary biographer was John
who
discusses Folk's
Oregon
activities in this
S. Jenkins 23
way
22 History of the Polk Administration, 32, 33; 50, 51. 23 James Knox Polk and a History of His Administration (1851), 233, 4; 235. THE FEDERAL RELATIONS
OF OREGON
207
"So thoroughly was Mr. Polk convinced, that the American to the whole of Oregon was 'clear and unquestionable/ that if he alone had been responsible, he would have instantly declined to surrender any portion of the territory. But by former negotiations the government appeared to be committed to an equitable division, and a decided majority of Congress were avowedly favorable to a compromise. There was, too, a title
new
consideration connected with the question, one of policy and expediency, motives which always have, and which always should, with some limitations, control the actions of nations and individuals. Upper Oregon and the Island of Vancouver were
comparatively valueless, except for the excellent harbors within the Straits of Fuca, which were the only safe and easily accessible one in the whole territory. Those of the southern shore of the Straits were, indeed, to belong to the United States under the British proposition but war now existed with Mexico, and as that country was largely indebted to American citizens, and was confessedly bankrupt, Mr. Polk, as a wise and sagacious statesman, could not but have foreseen that the contest would terminate with the acquisition, as a satisfaction for the American claims and the expenses of the war, of a large portion of contiguous territory, in which was embraced the bay of San Francisco, the finest harbor on the Pacific
coast."
"Thus, by the firm determination of Mr. Polk, was this vexed question, which at one time threatened to interrupt the friendly relations subsisting between the two nations forever settled in a spirit of amity and concord; each party magnani.
.
.
mously surrendering part." If two contemporaries of Polk could reach such diverse conclusions as to Folk's conduct, contemporaries who supposedly were in touch with the political situation, it is not surprising that the contemporary man on the street was puzzled. The
explanation, then, cannot be found in the suggestion Polk was keeping up a campaign bluster for effect.
that
The
matter was overdone; it was not played skillfully to that end In any case someone for it disrupted the Democratic party. besides Polk himself
would have had
to
know
the real situa-
but political friend and foe alike came to the conclusion almost unanimously that Polk really intended to carry out the
tion,
Oregon plank
of the Baltimore convention. LESTER BURRELL SHIPPEE
206
Only two other explanations offer themselves Polk took the platform in good faith until he saw the course it pointed was absolutely impracticable, or he had from the beginning a plan which contained his course on Oregon as one of the main
two explanations the latter presents more the There was a "bluff" but was not primarily for the benefit of Great Britain; it was
threads.
Of
the
appearance of being the real one. it
not a trick to force Great Britain into yielding the territory between the forty-ninth parallel and the Columbia, 24 but it was a portion of the game whereby California and other Mexican territory was to be secured Oregon was a secondary consideration throughout the whole episode. Friend and foe were
the southwest
was
who saw
who desired more territory to much bewildered as was the northerner
the southerner
alike mystified
in Folk's
as
madness a course which meant war and com-
mercial disaster.
Polk undoubtedly intended to get as much of Oregon as he could, but that it occupied a secondary place in his thoughts is definitely suggested by an entry in his diary recording an Before Congress convened interview with Colonel Benton. in December, 1845, Buchanan had shown Benton the correspondence between the British and American governments except the instructions to
McLane
at Folk's request.
Then
Benton called to discuss the situation (October 24, 1845). He doubted the completeness of the United States claim when Polk outlined the recommendations which he was going to put into his Annual Message (although he did not tell Benton that these were to be a part of that document). Polk further stated that he inclined to reaffirm Mr. Monroe's doctrine about settlement of the American continents, whereupon Benton said that Great Britain possessed some sort of a title to Eraser's River, the same kind that the United States did to the Columbia. 25
"The conversation then turned on California," Polk wrote, "on which I remarked that Great Britain had her eye on that country and intended to possess it if she could, but that the 24 At McLaughlin in his Lift of Cats explains
- f Diory, I. f .
it. THE FEDERAL RELATIONS
OF OREGON
209
people of the U. S. would not willingly permit California to pass into the possession of any new colony planted by Great Britain or any foreign monarchy, and that in reasserting Mr. Monroe's doctrine, I had California and the fine bay of San Fracisco as much in view as Oregon. Colonel Benton agreed that no foreign power ought to be permitted to colonize Cuba. As long as Cuba remained in the possession of the present government we would not object, but if a powerful foreign power was about to possess it, we would not permit it. On the same footing we would place California."
This conversation took place, it is to be noted, in October, nearly a year before hostilities with Mexico began and while the belief was growing that Mexico was going to acquiesce Texas. Folk's plan was to prevent Great Britain's securing a foothold in California, which the Hudson's Bay Company coveted. But so long as California was a part of Mexico there was always danger that this province would in the loss of
pass into the possession of some strong power, and its possession by the United States would be the only real security
against such a contingency. Mexico, however, would not cede California to the United States, therefore California must be taken.
In order to do this the United States must fight Mexico,
the people of the country must be brought to a proper warlike pitch, and Great Britain must be kept busy so that there
would be no temptation to create a diversion to the south, for was no likelihood that Great Britain would risk the Northwest, where the Hudson's Bay Company had valuable interests, in reaching south to California which was as yet only longed for. In the United States there was no strong
there
with Mexico, even in the which would South, presumably gain most from such a move, we have as was a decidedly belligerent tone there but, seen, when Great Britain was under discussion. All through the summer the war talk had been increasing in both England and America this Polk knew very well. For disposition to provoke hostilities
called
26 with shortly after his interview
Benton, he was upon by Mr. Ward, Boston representative of Baring
instance,
26 Diary,
I. 73-5LESTER BURRELL SHIPPEE
210
Brothers and Company, who told the President that he was a He said it was of great interest friend of the Administration. to his firm to know whether there would be peace or war; he
had heard that the President was in favor of claiming all Oregon, in which case there should be danger of war. All the satisfaction Ward could get was the assurance that the general policy of the country was peace. Polk considered the call from Ward as significant because less than a week before Buchanan had received McLane's letter in which the government's dissatisfaction with the course of Pakenham had been stated,
and the willingness of the British government
new
to listen
In spite of these opportunities to allay the war rumors, and against the advice, almost pleading, of Buchanan for permission to show that the United States
to a
proposition indicated.
would go part way toward a compromise, Polk insisted that the burden of reopening the negotiation should be placed wholly upon Great Britain.
When
Annual Message was discussed in Cabinet Polk Buchanan, who was trying to secure a modified tone, that he had not seen ten Congressmen who were "not roused on Oregon and willing to go the whole length." 27 All the 54 40' men were pleased with the message. It called attention to the accompanying documents which gave the details of the offer of 49, its rejection and then the withdraway of the offer. The offer was explained in this way the
told
"Though entertaining the settled conviction, that the British pretensions of title could not be maintained to any portion of the Oregon territory under any principle of public law recognized by nations, yet, in deference to what had been done by my predecessors, and especially in consideration that propositions of compromise had been thrice made, by two preceding administrations, to adjust the question on the parallel of fortynine degrees, and in two of them yielding to Great Britain the free navigation of the Columbia, and that the pending negotiation had been commenced on the basis of compromise, I deemed it my duty not abruptly to break it off." 27 "It was manifest to me that in the whole discussion Buchanan disapproved the course which he saw I was inclined to he was laboring to prevent it." Diary I. 81.
Mr. take,
and
that THE FEDERAL RELATIONS
OF OREGON
211
But, continued the Message, the spirit of moderation had not been met by a like spirit on the part of the British negotiator. "Had this been a new question, coming under discussion for the first time, this proposition would not have been made. The
extraordinary and wholly inadmissible demands of the British government, and the rejection of the proposition made in deference to my predecessors, and the implied obligations which their acts seemed to impose, afford satisfactory evidence that no compromise which the United States ought to accept can be effected. With the conviction, the proposition of compromise which had been made and rejected, was, under my direction, subsequently withdrawn, and our title to the whole of Oregon asserted, and, as is believed, maintained by irrefragible facts and arguments. "The civilized world will see in these proceedings a spirit of liberal concession on the part of the United States and this government will be relieved from all responsibility which may
follow the failure to settle the controversy."
Following this was the list of recommendations respecting Oregon, including the request for authority to terminate the convention for joint occupancy.
"At the end of the year's
notice, should
Congress think
it
proper to make provision for giving that notice, we shall have reached a period when the national rights in Oregon must either be abandoned or firmly maintained. That they cannot be abandoned without a sacrifice of both national honor and interest, is too clear to admit of doubt."
With a
final
reference to the
title
of the United States the
President mentioned the best offer the British had
made and
stated that a "trifling addition of detached territory'" could never be considered by the United States without abandoning
her rights, her self-respect and her national honor. A few days later Senator Benton said to Polk, in the presence of Judge Mason, the Attorney-General, "Well, you have I think we can all go it as we undersent us the message. stand
men
it."
28
And
hailed the
what took place. The 54 40' as fulfilling their utmost desires; the
this is exactly
Message
28 So Polk records, Diary, I, 116. In his Thirty Years' View Benton states Message put the issue of peace or war into the hands of Congress. (II, Such a view of the situation would obviously be to advance the reputation 658.) of those who took a prominent part, especially in the Senate, for moderation. that the 212
LESTER BURRELL SHIPPEE
moderates, like Benton, were not so sure of it. Buchanan, in a letter marked "private & confidential and not written as Secre29 "The message has been better tary of State," told McLane, received throughout the country than any similar communication to Congress in my day. All moderate men are conciliated
whilst the fire-eaters are satisfied with its by our offer of 49 withdrawal & the assertion of our whole claim. This is the feeling which pervades the whole Democratic party & a very
large proportion of the Whigs."
The newspapers, which during October and November, had been alternately predicting that war was inevitable and that negotiations would succeed, judged from the Message that the negotiations had failed and that "either England or the United States must back out of Oregon, or fight for it." 30 Neverthewhile the first less even the editors were a little puzzled the that the negotiation was impression "hasty reading" gave ended further consideration seemed to cast doubt on this conclusion. 31 The total silence of the Message on taking steps in preparation for war seemed to mean that the Administration did not expect hostilities, but a tumble in stocks which came a week later showed that the market was uneasy. After the Message the pendulum swung from war to peace, and along with popular speculation as to the international result the political significance of the whole thing was worrying the Democratic party. While the South could undoubted32 this would mean a ly "save the country" and prevent war in the break the union of West and South should southern Democracy prevent war and in so doing allow the protective;
anti-Texas-Oregon wing of the party be in the ascendant, with Wright, Benton & Company wielding the sceptre? Polk, too, was impressed with the political capital which was made out 29 Works of James Buchanan, VT, 342. For weeks the Register had gleaned th 30 Mies' Register, 6 Dec., 1845. papers for expressions of opinions, and had printed them under the caption, "Peace or War.' The Message comment was headed, "Our worst anticipations have been realized." fiery article in the Union, just before Congress assembled, had claimed "All Oregon or none." 31 Nat. Intelligencer, 6 Dec. 33 Charleston Mercury, quoted in Nat. Intelligence, 17 Nor.
A THE FEDERAL RELATIONS of
it
all.
33
OF OREGON
213
Calhoun was firmly convinced that only by the war be averted, and it was
efforts of southern Senators could
on
this
account that he returned to the Senate in the winter
of 1845-6. 34
To one observer the Annual Message was not convincing. When John Quincy Adams was asked by George Bancroft what he thought of the document and whether he disapproved he said he did not disapprove the offer not have made it. He approved the would himself he although reference to Monroe's doctrine and hoped that the President of the offer of 49
would adhere to it by force of arms if necessary, but added "had not been entirely without apprehension that Mr. Polk would ultimately recede from it." Later, after Adams had read the correspondence submitted with the Message, he noted that the most remarkable thing about it all was that notwithstanding Folk's positive assertions he had made the offer, "which was formerly made under the impression that it would not be accepted." "My own opinion is that this that he
offer should never again be made, nor accepted if offered by Great Britain herself; but it is too clear to me that Mr. Polk will finish
35
by accepting it." In Europe the Message produced the same feeling that the majority of Americans had, that it uncompromisingly committed the American government and people to demand all Oregon or fight, although the press was inclined to think some way would be found out of the muddle. 36 In Parliament there was some disposition to press the matter although no formal step was taken until April when a demand for papers was refused by the government. 37 Aberdeen stated that the negotiation was not at an end, and, while nothing could prevent See quotation in Chapter IX. 33 Diary, I, 264-5. Correspondence of Calhoun, letters to Clemson and to T. 34 See Hammond, 18 and 28 September, 1845. See Globe XVIII, 878, for story told by Holme* rbid., 096. that by Bayly of Virginia how some Whig merchants of New York reouested Holmes to use his influence with Calhoun to have him return to the Senate to lead the 49 forces. Bayly refuted the statement made by Holmes that until Calhoun appeared in Washington no Democrat dared lift his voice for any-
m
thing but 54 40'. 35 Memoirs, XII, 218-221. 36 Niles* Register, of 3 Jan., 1846, has a press.
37 3 Hansard, 79:120-4,
H
summary
of the views of the British LESTER BURRELL SHIPPEE
214
American government from terminating joint occupation, England could depend upon its government to uphold the honor of the country. An amicable settlement was to be preferred,
the
but should
it
be otherwise, "I can only say
we
possess rights
our opinion, are clear and unquestionable; and, by which, the blessing of God, and with your support, those rights we In the United States it are fully prepared to maintain." in
was believed
that the Government's stand
was emphasized by
the report of increased military preparation. On all sides, then, Polk could see that there belief that
war was
scarcely to be escaped.
was a strong Nevertheless not
only did he do nothing which would remove this feeling but he actually added fuel to the flames, although alleging all the time that he believed there would be no war. As we have seen 38 Polk was urging military and naval preparations at the same time he was telling various Senators, confidentially, that
he would submit a reasonable British proposition to the Senate for its advice. By his messages, by his conversations with
members
of both houses, by the activities of his Secretaries and Navy with congressional committees, Congress was not allowed to forget that trouble might come, even when the discussion on the notice had taken a turn so that it was well known it would be passed with some sort of conciliatory
of
War
sentiments.
During the period from the beginning of December until toward the last of April the Mexican question occasionally came before the Cabinet in one form or other, but there was no serious discussion of a possibility of war from that quarter whenever the possibility of war was up it was always connected with the Oregon Question and Great Britain. It was not until the middle of January that it was definitely known that Slidell would not be received in Mexico, thus putting an end to im;
mediate hope of renewing diplomatic intercourse. General Taylor was ordered to take up his position on the north bank
Grande in the strip which Mexico claimed did not and never had formed a part of the province of Texas.
of the Rio
38 See Chapters VIII, IX, and
X
above. THE FEDERAL RELATIONS
OF OREGON
215
of the Senators toward the end of March and in Polk over the Mexican situation. He broached talked April the possibility of purchasing New Mexico and California to Allen, Benton and Calhoun, and of the latter asked if it might not be possible to secure from Congress an appropriation, such
With some
had been given to Jefferson in 1806, so that steps to this end might be taken. 39 Calhoun cautioned patience and advised a settlement of the Oregon Question before anything was After having thought the matter over a tried with Mexico. few days Calhoun said that although he approved the object he believed it was inexpedient to bring it before Congress at the time. Polk said nothing" more about it for time, until it was evident that the notice would be passed in a conciliatory form. Then, on April eighteenth, he spoke of it again to Calhoun he believed strong measures would have to be taken with Mexico. Calhoun, however, again cautioned the Presias
dent against a hasty course there were, he said, in Washington ministers of several foreign countries who had satisfied him of their desire to act as the common friend of both parties
in the
Oregon matter, and
this question
should be settled before
there was
There
any thought of pressing the claims against Mexico. can be little doubt that Polk was sure, as soon as the
government learned of the passage of the notice, that an offer on substantially the same lines McLane had been urging upon Aberdeen, with his own tacit permission, would come. Such an offer Polk had hinted he would submit to the Senate. Consequently he could have little doubted the peaceful concluBritish
sion of the
he received
Taylor to
Oregon controversy when, on the ninth of May, General Ampudia had ordered
official notice that
retire
with his forces behind the Nueces.
therefore, no hesitation in sending his
He
had,
famous Mexican Mes-
sage to Congress.
The Message fell upon willing ears. The war spirit which had been so carefully fostered ever since the opening of the campaign in 1844 responded nobly to the challenge and legislative action necessary to provide forces for a Mexican war fitted easily upon the steps already taken to pre-
presidential 216
LESTER BURRELL SHIPPER
pare for possible hostilities with Great Britain. Congress, according to testimony even of southerners who were not unwilling to see the addition of territory which might presumably
be to their benefit, were stampeded into a declaration of war. That Polk intended to force an issue with Mexico in order to obtain California and New Mexico providing they could not be obtained in any other way has been brought out many times; that he never intended to allow the Oregon Question to jeopardize the acquisition of the southern territory seems
He intended, no doubt, to get as much of Oregon and was not willing to have the issue brought bluntly before the British government to stir that body into But before all he was thinking of the Mexican terriaction. and played the British concern over Oregon along with tory equally clear. as possible
war spirit in his own country to make sure of that. No doubt his course was tinged with opportunism, but the essenFrom his own record it is tial game seems to have been this.
the
he expected a peaceful solution of the with Great Britain, a solution which would never controversy have attained had he continued to insist upon all of Oregon. sufficiently clear that
Furthermore he was probably aware that his real sentiments on the tariff issue fell in with the desires of the English people and he may have counted on their willingness to relax their pretensions in Oregon rather than to force an issue and bring a high-protectionist party into power. Some time after the treaty was signed and Congress had adjourned there came an incident which emphasizes the belief that Polk intended to maintain that his course throughout
been marked with consistency.
London in the summer of 1846, the Chamber of Commerce of
When McLane
had
returned from
answer to an address from York, he made certain taken were some of the Whig papers as which statements by an admission that the President's Annual Message and his instructions to McLane were inconsistent. Polk accepted Mcin
New
Lane's explanation that, while the President was assured of the soundness of the title to 54 40' as an abstract question, nevertheless McLane was instructed to secure an adjustment on THE FEDERAL RELATIONS
OF OREGON
217
since that line had been offered in July of "The truth is," says Polk, "Mr. McLane's language in his New York address was susceptible of being misinterpreted, and that has given rise to the whole controversy. The Whig
the basis of 49 1845.
press has seized
made
it
upon
it
for political capital,
and
(this)
has
necessary to set forth in the Democratic the true state
of affairs." 39
Among
other things
said in his address, "Havofficial position at that time of
McLane had
ing some knowledge from my the policy and object of the Convention of 1827, I am quite persuaded that its main design was to lead in a future partition of the territory, to the recognition of
our claim to the
country not north, but south of the 49th parallel, and between that and the Columbia River." When Richard Rush saw his statement in print he wrote the acting Secretary of State Trist view was all new to him, for he held that Adams'
to say that this
view of the
title
was the same
as he
the previous winter, to 54 40'. comment on the course of Polk
had maintained
in
Congress
Then Rush proceeded
to
"For one, I am unshaken in the belief that it was the President's opening message to the first Congress he met, on the second of December last, that produced the settlement of the
Oregon difficulty. It was like a great bumb-shell thrown into the British Cabinet. It took them by surprise, and first aroused them to the unavoidable necessity of a settlement. I thought when it appeared that it would lead to war, so bold was it, 40 though every word was just; whereas it lead [sic] to peace."
Toward
the very end of his Administration (16 February, is found in Polk's Diary one more reference to
1849) there
Oregon. Howell Cobb and John H. Lumpkin, Representatives in Congress from Georgia, had called on the President and in the course of the conversation Oregon and Polk's relation to it were mentioned. Lumpkin told of a conversation he had had with Allen who said, in reply to a his course with
39 Polk, Diary, I, 313, 317, 37-7 (30 Mar.. 3 and 18 April.) 40 Diary, II, 136, 139, 167-8, 173-3, for this McLane episode and the newtpayer controversy. LESTER BURRELL SHIPPER
218
question as to what the President would do offered 49, that (to use Folk's words) 41
if
the British
"That was all understood, that if such an offer was made that the President should submit it to the Senate, and that two-thirds of that body would never advise its acceptance. Mr. Lumpkin said that when the contingency happened & I took the very course indicated he was surprised to find that
Mr. Allen disapproved it, and, in consequence of it resigned his post as chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate. My notes in this Diary in relation to Senator Allen's course were very full at the time, they will be found to be in accord with Mr. Lumpkin's statement. Before my annual message of December, 1845, was sent to Congress I submitted it to Mr. Allen, and he advised me in the event (Great Britain) returned my offer of 49 to me to take the very course I did, and with which, when I did it, he found fault. By referring to this Diary a few days before the meeting in Congress in December, 1845, and in the early part of June, 1846, what occurred between Mr. Allen and myself will be found recorded. I note Mr. Lumpkin's statement to-night for reference if the subject should ever be brought before the public by Mr. Allen."
Whether Polk actually believed his course was absolutely consistent in spirit there is nothing to show; that he believed Whatever may be one's it consistent in the letter is clear. personal opinion of his policy it must be admitted that he showed himself a man of much greater political ability than
most of
his contemporaries
pictured by most
thought him, or than he has been
later accounts.
41 Ibid., IV, 335-7Professor R. L. Schuyler (Polk and the Oregon Compromise, in Political Science Quarterly, XXIV, 443-61), finds nothing to warrant an imputation of concludes that Polk, finding the Senate double dealing in Folk's course. would not go with him in his stand on Oregon, decided to throw the whole issue upon the Senate so that the Treaty of 1846 was in reality a Senate Treaty.
H NEWS AND COMMENT
By Leslie M. Scott
"WHERE WAS BLUE BUCKET?"
Casual discovery of lumps of yellow metal, in the fall of 1845, in Central or Eastern Oregon by members of the "Meek's Cut-off Party," gave rise to the idea, after discovery of California gold three years later, that the lumps were of the precious metal, and ever since that time the place of the discovery has been a subject of discussion. A quantity of the lumps, gathered in a blue bucket, gave rise to the name. This was probably the earliest discovery of gold on the Pacific Coast.
In March, 1919, Tyra Allen, of Pendleton, started discussion of the subject by asking "Where was Blue Bucket?" in a letter printed in the Canyon City Eagle. Numerous responses came forth in several newspapers, especially in the Portland Oregonian. George Irvin, of Monument, Grant County, said in an article quoted in The Oregonian of April 23, 1919, that the discovery was made in Spanish Gulch of the John Day country. "Son of a Pioneer," writing in that newspaper of April 25, 1919, said the discovery occurred probably on a tributary of John Day River. He wrote:
"The party proceeded for a number of days, crossing a divide separating the valley of the Malheur from either the Silvies or the John Day River, and somewhere near the end of this digression encampment was made on a small stream (more probably a tributary of the John Day River). Either while fishing in this stream or while taking water therefrom for camp purposes, numerous pieces of yellow metal were found in the stream bed or grass roots, the character of which was debated and tests made by hammering the nuggets into different forms on the wagon tires."
The father of this writer was a member of the pioneer party. Mrs. Ruth Herren Leonard, of Dayton, Washington, whose father was also a member of the party, quoted him, in The Oregonian of April 26, 1919, as giving the place as in Tygh Valley, but this explanation lacks credence because the party seems not to have entered Tygh Valley but to have turned northward to the Columbia River without crossing the Deschutes River. W. W. Oglesby, of Cottage Grove, Oregon, wrote in The Oregonian, May 1, 1919, that the place of discovery was in the waters of John Day River. After the discovery, wrote Mr. Oglesby, the party spent two days reaching Farewell Bend of the Deschutes River, whence the party turned north to the Columbia. O. C. Applegate, writing from Klamath Falls, in The Oregonian of May 6, 1919, leaned to the belief that the discovery was made in the region of Stein Mountain.
The place of the Blue Bucket is scattered over a wide variety of opinions, and may never be known. Fifteen years later the placer diggings of Eastern Oregon began an activity that produced large findings of gold, especially in the John Day country. The frequency of gold nuggets in the beds of streams makes the Blue Bucket story not merely credible, but in connection with the many authentic versions of the story, places it beyond question of doubt.
According to a statement given me by William F. Helm many years ago, whose father, mother, five brothers and one sister and himself were members of the Meek party, the term "Blue Bucket" originated in this way: The Helm wagons, yokes, and many of the camp utensils, including several buckets, were painted blue. At one camp on a tributary of the John Day River numerous small yellow pebbles were found along the water's edge and among the grass roots. An attempt was made to catch some fish, but the current being very swift, the effort failed. Then Col. W. G. T'Vault, Thomas R. Cornelius and James Terwilliger, the latter a blacksmith, conceived the idea of pounding one of the bright pebbles, and, finding it soft, pounded it thin and used it as a sinker on their fish lines. Others did the same. At one of the camps where an experience occurred of the kind here related two blue buckets were left, the Helm family having no further use for them.
None of the company had any idea of gold at this time. Their minds were fully occupied by the effort to get out of the wilderness, as their situation was a very serious one. At length the party reached The Dalles and went down the Columbia River on rafts, all settling in the Willamette Valley.
It will be remembered that gold was discovered in California January 24, 1848, by James W. Marshall, an Oregon pioneer of 1844. News of this discovery reached the Willamette Valley in July following. Soon afterwards a number of the adults of the Meek party of 1845 went to the California mines, and then they became aware that the "pebbles" that had been seen and used as sinkers on fish lines were gold.
Mr. Helm went to the vicinity of Canyon City in 1863, soon after the gold discovery of that year, and always insisted that there or in the region near there was the locality where the gold was found in 1845. That was the opinion of Thomas R. Cornelius also, who at the time of my first acquaintance with him in 1866 was one of the substantial citizens of Washington County, Oregon.—George M. Himes, Curator and Assistant Secretary.PACIFIC RAILROAD DATES
May 10 is the anniversary of the completion of the first transcontinental railroad-the Union Pacific-Central Pacific, the "last spike" of which was driven at Promontory Point, 53 miles northwest of Ogden, in 1869. The running time of passenger trains between San Francisco and Chicago thereafter was six and one-half days. This event is a momentous one in Pacific Coast progress. The second transcontinental railroad, the Southern Pacific-Texas & Pacific-was completed in 1882; the third, the Northern Pacific, in 1883. The "last spike" of the Northern Pacific, September 8, 1883, was a grand event for the Pacific Northwest, and great stores of expectation and realization attach to it.
THE NAME OF MOUNT RAINIER
Efforts to change the name of the snowpeak from Rainier to Tacoma are continuous in the city of Tacoma. The Portland Oregonian ventured to adjust the trouble by suggesting Mount Roosevelt, but the old name which Captain George Vancouver applied in 1792 seems as firmly fixed as ever Several years ago the Legislature of Oregon "changed" Mount Pitt to Mount McLoughlin, an act appropriate enough since Pitt means nothing and McLoughlin has lasting significance, but Mount Pitt remains in everyday speech around the peak. It is curious to contemplate the persistency of names and sounds in human speech. Science and history show that the sounds of words and the notes of animals are more durable even than mountains. Mount Tacoma is euphonious and appropriate, but when one contemplates the long list of ill-fitting geographical names the thought occurs, "Why stop with Mount Rainier" and then the task becomes insurmountable. Common agreement would establish Mount Tacoma, but that seems just as impossible now as during the many past years of the effort. LESLIE M. SCOTT
222
FREQUENCY OF SLIGHT EARTHQUAKES Earthquake tremblers are reported frequently from parts of the Pacific Northwest, and each time cause speculation as to the nature of the disturbances. Within the records of the white men, running back eighty or ninety years, there never has been a general or severe earthquake in this region. But the reading of newspaper files shows that slight tremblers
A
felt every year in some parts of this large area. small local disutrbance was recorded at Seattle, June 5, 1919.
have been
The most frequent area of disturbance has been the Puget Sound region. Probably the severest at Portland occurred 12, 1877, February 29, 1892, and February 25, 1895 Puget Sound, March 16, 1904. These quakes caused walls to crack and dishes to rattle and church bells to ring, but The geological youth of the Pacific did no real damage. Northwest and the many fresh volcanic vents indicate recurrent seismic activity, but written history records no violence.
October
at
ANNUAL MEETING OF OREGON PIONEERS Members of the Oregon Pioneer Association held their annual meeting in the Portland Auditorium June 19, and elected the following officers: J. J. Hunsaker, of Yamhill county, pioneer of 1847, president; C. H. Caufield, of Oregon City, 1853, vice-president
George H. Himes, of Portland, 1853,
sec-
retary; William M. Ladd, of Portland, 1855, treasurer. Other members of the board of directors are John W. Baker, 1853 Miss Ellen Chamberlain, 1857; G. D. Chitwood, 1853. The pioneers were welcomed by Mayor George L. Baker, and W. H. H. Dufur, retiring president, delivered the response.
W.
Riddle, 1852, of Douglas County, rendered the Nathan H. Bird, 1846, presided at the afterThe woman's auxiliary of the association served session. noon of the Auditorium. basement the in dinner
George
annual address. NEWS AND COMMENT
223
ENCAMPMENT OF INDIAN FIGHTERS of the Indian war veterans was held at Portland June 18. The veterans adopted a memorial asking Congress to equalize the pensions of the Indian fighters. Officers elected are: Cyrus H. Walker, grand commander; C. W. Wallace, vice grand commander Otto Kleeman, grand adj utant Mrs. F. L. Benedict, assistant adjutant; Charles H. Chambreau, grand paymaster; T. Brouillette, grand chaplain; W. R. McCord, cap-
The annual grand encampment
of the North Pacific Coast
tain of the guard.
THE BATTLESHIP OREGON Whether the as a memorial
is
papers since the fleet
Oregon shall be broken up for junk Oregon shall maintain the sea fighter
battleship
or whether the state of
a question that has been active in the newsgovernment has had to supplant its old war
with modern vessels.
The annual
cost of upkeep of the
Oregon has been estimated at $20,000, a sum which has discouraged advocates of the memorial plan. The Oregon was San Francisco and commissioned there in July, 1896. made its famous voyage of 14,000 miles in 68 cruising days from San Francisco to Santiago, Cuba, to
built at
In 1898 the vessel
participate in the destruction of the Spanish fleet July 3, 1898. Sister ships of the Oregon, the Iowa, Massachusetts and In-
diana are to be relegated and broken up, together with the Kentucky, Kearsarge, Alabama, Illinois, Wisconsin, Ohio, Missouri and Maine. These battleships made up a very powerful fleet fifteen years ago and cost more than $90,000,000, but are obsolete in competition with newer vessels. The most famous American battleship is the Oregon, and there is strong
sentiment for preservation of the vessel, but ways and means for paying the expense have not been devised. LESLIE M. SCOTT
224
AIRPLANE AND STAGE COACH The
first
airplane flight across Cascade Mountains
was
ac-
complished June 30, 1919, between Seattle and Ellensburg, 115 miles, in 1 hour, 15 minutes, by J. M. Fetters and Ser-
Owen Kissel, army aviators. Airplane flights in the In connecPacific Northwest have been frequent this year.
geant
tion with the rose festival at Portland,
June 10-13, airplanes flights have been those between Portland and Sacramento in one of which Governor Ben W. Olcott was a passenger. These speed journeys, at 100 miles an hour or better, covering the distance between Portland and Sacramento in less than six hours, recall by contrast the first speed test between the two cities in 1860, that of the pony express, which consumed seven days pf continuous travel night and day in covering the 700 miles, and was hailed The running as a triumphant feat of speed and endurance. time in winter was twelve days.
made numerous
trips.
The most noteworthy
MONUMENT FOR CAPTAIN HEMBREE The ambush and death of Captain Absalom J. Hembree by Indians in the Yakima War of 1855-56, has been a tragic event Northwest annals, and the scene of the tragedy will marked with a monument by the state historical society of be Washington. The place where Captain Hembree fell was in Pacific
June 22, by W. D. Stillwell, of Tillamook, Oregon, of 95 years age, who accompanied Captain Hembree at the the of time tragedy. The place is five miles from Toppenish, identified
Others present on June 22 were M. V. Stillwell, W. D. Stillwell, W. P. Bonney, secretary of who historical state the society of Washington, and L. V. MeWhorter and C. H. Newell of Yakima, County.
Washington. is
the son of
MR. TEAL'S "THE PIONEER" The Pioneer, a memorial bronze statue, the gift to the University of Oregon by Joseph N. Teal, of Portland, stands NEWS AND COMMENT
225
on the university campus, where it was unveiled May 22, 1919, by T. G. Hendricks, of Eugene, Oregon. The designer, A. Phimister Proctor, used as his model, J. C. Cravens, a trapper, whom he found on the ranch of William Hanley, in Harney County. Many pioneers were present at the unveiling cere-
mony.
EXAMINATION OF NACHESS TRAIL Examination of the Nachess
trail
of 1853, by a party of
pioneers, for the purpose of choosing sites for markers of the Washington State Historical Society, was accomplished July 13-21.
In the party were George H. Himes, Ezra Meeker,
Mr. and Mrs. W. M. Woolery, Mr. and Mrs. Elden M. Gordon, W. P. Bonney, Sam W. Wall and Mr. and Mrs. David Longmire. The party traced the route of the trail on the west side of the mountains up to Bare Prairie, some 50 miles northeast of Tacoma, and, on the east side, ascended Nachess River as far as automobiles would go. The old trail through the mountains is almost obliterated and for a disC. B. Bagley,
tance of fifty miles cannot be followed by automobiles. The party located the site of Camp Montgomery, southeast of Tacoma, the site of the old block-house on Yelm River, and the site
of the stockades on Chambers' Prairie.
MISCELLANY A pageant of Oregon history, displayed at Salem during commencement exercises of Willamette University, early in June, 1919, was brilliantly successful. The pageant was written by Professor Delia Crowder-Miller, and commemorated the 75th anniversary of the university. The display contained 22 episodes besides prologue and epilogue.
Whitman centennial in
Walla Walla, celebrated commencement exercises in June.
College, at its
its
quarter-
Umatilla County pioneers held a two days' picnic at Weston and elected the following officers M. L. Wat-
early in June,
- LESLIE M. SCOTT
226
son, president; R. Alexander, vice-president; S. A. Barnes, secretary; J. H. Price, treasurer. The sons and daughters of
Umatilla pioneers elected the following officers: Amy Cargill, of Freewater, president; Mrs. William Reed, of Athena, vice-president Mrs. W. S. Price, of Weston, treasurer Mar;
jorie Bullfinch, of Weston, treasurer.
The annual
celebration at
historic event of
May
2,
Champoeg, to commemorate the
1843
the founding of
tjie
provisional
government of Oregon was held May 3, 1919. The attendance was 1000 persons, and was the largest that has thus far done honor to the annual event.
The
first
annual reunion of the descendants of Henry and
Elizabeth Hewett, Oregon pioneers of 1843, was held at the old home place, seven miles south of Dayton, Oregon, Saturday,
12.
July
Seventy- five members
of
the
family
were
present.
The McLoughlin house, at Oregon City, perpetuated as one of the historic relics of Oregon, contains a growing collection mementoes of early days. The annual meeting of McLoughlin Memorial Association was held June 30, 1919. W. P. Hawley, the paper manufacturer, was elected to honorary membership. Mr. Hawley gave the house to the city, of valuable
the
which caused the structure to be restored and moved to a high site overlooking the Willamette River.
The
&
sixtieth aniversary of the pioneer
Tilton,
was celebrated
banking house, Ladd employes at Mult-
at a dinner for the
Hotel, Portland, June 5, and afterwards at a theater performance in Alcazar Theater. The bank was opened June
nomah 1,
1859,
Front
at
S.
Ladd and Charles E.
Tilton at 105
Grays' Harbor Pioneer Association held their annual picnic Brady June 25, and elected the following officers: Presi-
dent, J.
by William
Street.
Elmer Brady;
vice-presidents, O. B.
Carney, Aberdeen; Mrs. H.
W.
Patton,
Newton, Satsop;
Hoquiam;
J.
trustee, NEWS AND COMMENT
227
E. Campbell, Hoquiam secretary, Mrs. J. E. Calder, Montesano treasurer, Mrs. H. B. Marcy, Montesano chaplain,
W.
Rev. Charles McDermoth, Aberdeen; historian, A. C. Girard, Aberdeen delegate to annual meeting of state society, M. J.
W.
Luark, Montesano.
P. Bonney, of
the State Historical Society,
Twenty
acres of land at
was the
Tacoma, secretary of
principal speaker.
Grand Mound, including the famous
"mound," have been deeded to the state by John R. James, pioneer settler of Southwest Washington, and son of Samuel James, the first man to settle in Grand Mound prairie. Other heirs of the
give
James
estate,
numbering approximately 80, will which is now a
for the beautification of the place,
money
public park.
The department lege,
of history at the J. B. Horner,
under Professor
Oregon Agricultural Colis
preparing a
map
locat-
ing the prehistoric mounds of Oregon. This is being done partly as a result of the recent exploration of the prehistoric burial grounds on the Calapooia by summer school students.
Two additional mounds were discovered on the Osburn farm, which makes approximately 30 mounds along the banks of the Calapooia and half as many others on streams near by. Douglas County, Oregon, residents held a reunion at Portland June 22, 1919, in Peninsula Park, to renew old acquaintances and review events of that part of Oregon. The speakers
were
W. H.
Brackett, George
H. Himes, G.
C. Love, A.
M. Crawford and George W. Riddle. George C. Johnson was elected president Lou L. Parker, secretary, and Nancy Drain
Singleton, treasurer.
at
Organization of local history materials will be undertaken Eugene by a committee of a teachers' conference which
held session at the University of
June.
Oregon the
A. N. French, professor of education
latter
week
in
in the university,
and J. C. Almack, director of the extension division, suggested methods of organization. Dr. H. D. Sheldon, of the conference,
was authorized
to
name
president a committee for this work. Sons and Daughters of Oregon Pioneers on June 18, 1919, elected the following officers: Mrs. Benton Killin, president; H. G. Starkweather, vice-president; Miss Lillian M. Hackleman, secretary. Mr. Starkweather narrated the history of the Oregon state seal, and Robert A. Miller spoke on pioneer fraternalism. Cyrus H. Walker's resolution for equal pensions for soldiers of the Civil and the Indian wars was adopted. The meeting was in Library Hall. Portland.
A memorial park near Hood River in honor of the eight soldiers of the county who lost their lives in the European war, and the returning soldiers of that conflict, is to be established at Ruthton Hill, where O. P. Dabney has given a site.
Linn County pioneers and their sons and daughters held a reunion at Brownsville June 18—20. Speechmaking, picnicing and athletics contributed to the festivities.
Salmon Brown, 83 years old, son of John Brown, of civil war fame, died at Portland May 10. 1919. He shot himself with a revolver on account of sickness and despondency.
Mrs. Eliza Warren, daughter of the missionary. Rev. H. H. Spalding, died at Coeur d'Alene. Idaho. June 21, 1919, and the body was buried at Brownsville. Oregon. June 26, where the remains of other members of the Spalding family are interrcd. She was born at the Lapwai mission in 1837, and was married to Andrew Warren in 1859. Brownsville's main street is named after the Spalding family.
The 21st annual reunion of the Kelly Clan was held June 28, 1919, at Portland, at the home of Mrs. 0. P. S. Plummer on the Dosch road. Interesting features of the afternoon programme were the reading of the family history by Nellie Fawcett and an address by Father Hoberg of McMinnville, who is 92 years of age, and who was well acquainted with the four Kelly brothers. There are now some 200 descendants in Multnomah County.
The Henkle family, of Benton County. Oregon, held its annual reunion at the Wyatt home, three miles west of Corvallis, June 26, 1919, with 162 members of the family present.
- ↑ The writer is indebted, for matter of this article, to Charles N. Scott, who as receiver of the narrow gauge railroad, was its manager in 1885–90; to Richard Koehler, who was foremost in management of the property after its acquisition by the Southern Pacific in 1890; to F. E. Beach, who was manager in 1878 in initial stages of the railroad; to Joseph Gaston's Centennial History of Oregon, the author of which promoted, financed and built the first twenty miles in 1878; and, specially to the files of The Oregonian, the consecutive reading of which has afforded the working materials of is article. See history of narrow gauge in The Oregonian, January 1, 1889; also March 6, 1889, by Wiliam Reid.
- ↑ Built in 1870–72; the Oregon Central Railroad.
- ↑ Built in 1868–72; the Oregon and California Railroad.
- ↑ The rails of the narrow gauge were three feet apart; of standard gauge, four feet and one-half inches.
- ↑ By way of Forest Grove. At this time the Oregon and California Railroad, operating between Portland and Roseburg, and between Portland and Saint Joseph, could not finance the extensions demanded by the people of Willamette Valley, and the best that it could do was to extend fifty miles in 1878 from Saint Joseph to Corvallis. This period of popular clamor for railroads, which resulted in the narrow gauge project, was a period of depression in the earnings of the Oregon and California lines, brought about partly by low rates, which were due to river competition and by the need of stimulating wheat production, and partly by high cost of replacement construction of trestles, bridges and rails. "The net earnings," writes Mr. Richard Koehler in a recent letter to the writer, "dwindled down to less than was necessary to pay one per cent on the bonds outstanding."
- ↑ See The Oregonian, November 15, 1877: also September 24, 1878.
- ↑ Date of incorporation of the Dayton, Sheridan and Grand Ronde Railway, November 14, 1877; capital stock, $200,000; 2,000 shares, par $100.
- ↑ See Powell vs. Dayton, Sheridan and Grand Ronde Railroad Company, 16 Oregon 34.
- ↑ Joseph Gaston's Centennial History of Oregon says that farmers pledged $5,000 and citizens of Dallas put up $17,000 additional for the branch to that town. See Vol. I., p. 533. See also Branson et al vs. Oregonian Railway Company, Limited, 10 Oregon 279: Powell vs. Oregonian Railway Company, U. S. reports, Sawyer 13, 536.
- ↑ The contract for rails was dated February 14, 1878.
- ↑ See Pacific Rolling Mill Company vs. Dayton, Sheridan and Grand Ronde Railroad Company, Willamette Valley Railway Company, Joseph Gaston et al, U. S. Court, Ninth Circuit. Sawyer 7. 61.
- ↑ See Powell vs. Dayton, Sheridan and Grand Ronde Railroad Company, 13 Oregon 450–52.
- ↑ Villard gained control of the Northern Pacific Railroad in June 1881.
- ↑ Opened, Portland to Saint Joseph, late in 1872 by Ben Holladay; Saint Joseph to Corvallis, January 25, 1879, by Henry Villard.
- ↑ Opened, Portland to Roseburg, November 2, 1872, by Holladay: Roseburg to Ashland, by Villard, May 4. 1884. Villard took the management of the Holladay lines (Oregon and California Railroad) April 18, 1876.
- ↑ Villard organized the Oregon Railway and Navigation Company in June–July, 1879.
- ↑ See session laws. p. 85.
- ↑ Figures taken from Dundee Courier and Argus, March 8 1889, at time of bankruptcy in Scotch court. The original capital was 16,000 shares, par £10 each, issued in year 1880; 16,000 additional shares issued in 1881. Original mortgage £95,000, 6 per cent. dated February 14, 1881; £119,700, 6 per cent, dated February 4, 1882. To this capital expenditure was added in 1885–89 by the receiver the further sum of $423,000.
- ↑ See The Oregonian, March 13, 1880.
- ↑ These operations were conducted by the Oregonian Railway Company, Limited, a corporation of Dundee, Scotland, formed April 30, 1880. This company succeeded the Oregon Railway Company, Limited, of Oregon, incorporated at Portland, February 20, 1880, by William Reid, Donald Macleay and Ellis G. Hughes, and formally took over the railroad from the earlier company, December 11, 1880. The Oregon Railway had been preceded by the Willamette Valley Railroad Company, which conveyed to it, April 2, 1880, and which has been referred to earlier in this article as the successor of the original Dayton, Sheridan and Grand Ronde Railway. The chief and the longest lived of these companies was the Oregonian Railway Company. Its officers in 1881 were William Reid, president, and Ellis G. Hughes, secretary. (Hughes vs. Oregonian Ry. Co., 11 Oregon 159.) It is the view of Mr. Richard Koehler that the Central Pacific project, from Winnemucca, Nevada, to the Willamette Valley, in the period 1880–81, was not seriously considered by the Huntington interests, and that their advantage and their preference lay along the land-grant route of the Portland-Sacramento line. "lf there was in Mr. Reid's mind at that time," writes Mr, Koehler in a recent letter to the writer, "a vision of a railroad to Winnemucca, it was in connection with a similar vision of Mr. B. J. Pengra, who maintained from the earliest planning of railroad enterprises that the most practicable and cheapest route was from Winnemucca, via the Pengra Pass and the Middle Fork of the Willamette .... I also firmly believe that while Mr. Reid may have spoken and written about this grand system of narrow gauge lines, reaching from Portland to Winnemueca, to Yaquina Bay and to Astoria, he based his action in taking over and extending the narrow gauge system upon the belief that by building nearer to the foothills on both sides of the river, than the then existing lines of the Oregon and California Railroad. he could gather a very substantial part of the valley business, and thus make the narrow gauge lines pay."
- ↑ See 11 Oregon 159, Hughes vs. Oregonian Railway Company.
- ↑ See details of lease negotiations in The Oregonian, March 6, 1889, written by William Reid.
- ↑ The Oregon Railway and Navigation Company continued to operate the lines until November 15, 1884. See The Oregonian, November 12, 1884.
- ↑ See article by William Reid, The Oregonian, March 6, 1889.
- ↑ Charles Napier Scott proved himself an efficient railroad man and an able administrator of the narrow gauge. Before coming to Oregon he had many years' experience in railroading. He was born April 16, 1846, at Hamilton, Ohio. He is a resident of Portland, Ore. He was finally discharged as receiver August 12, 1891. (Portland Evening Telegram, August 12, 1891.)
- ↑ Contracts for the Santiam bridges were let July 26, 1886; first authorization to borrow money granted by United States circuit court April 19, 1886.
- ↑ See The Oregonian, January 18, 1885.
- ↑ See The Oregonian, January 18, 1885.
- ↑ By steamboat, City of Salem, Portland to Elk Rock. For narrative, see The Oregonian, December 13, 1886.
- ↑ See Argument of B. D. Townshend, U. S. vs. Oregon and California Railroad Company, p. 17. Connection with California made at Ashland, December 17, 1887.
- ↑ See The Oregonian, July 8, 1889, for history of control by Southern Pacific On May 5, the Pacific Improvement company acquired for the Southern Pacific, stock control of the Oregonian Railway Company, but not control of the bond ownership until 1889.
- ↑ See session laws 1887, pp. 339–40; also session laws, 1889.
- ↑ See session laws, pp. 57–60.
- ↑ See session laws, pp. 100–06 .
- ↑ See 9 Oregon 231, Oregonian Railway Company vs. City of Portland.
- ↑ For Huntington's plans, see Quarterly, vol. xv, pp. 231–32.
- ↑ See The Oregonian, April 7, 1890.
- ↑ See The Oregonian, August 5, 1890.
- ↑ See The Oregonian, December 2, 1890.
- ↑ See The Oregonian, November 24, 1890; December 24, 1890.
- ↑ See The Oregonian, February 10, 1890.
- ↑ Newspaper dispatches of the time of the sale stated the purchase price at $1,500,000. (The Oregonian, June 17, 1890.)
- ↑ The principal places along the route of the narrow gauge, and the mileage, were as follows: Portland to Oswego, 7.3 miles; Tualatin, 13.1; Newberg, 26.4; Dundee Jt., 28.8; Fulquartz, 31.2; Ray's Landing, 33.3; St. Paul, 35.4; Woodburn, 43.4; Mt. Angel, 49.7; Silverton, 53.9; Howell Prairie, 58.2; Macleay, 63.8; Waldo Hills, 63.1; Aumsfille, 69.1; West Stayton, 72.9; North Santiam, 75; West Scio, 78.3; South Santiam, 83.8; Lebanon Jt., 90.8; Brownsville, 103.7; Coburg, 123.0. Dayton, 32.7; Lafayette 34.7; Dayton Jt., 37.8; Whites, 44.8; Sheridan Jt., 50.2; Ballston, 52.9; Sheridan, 57.2. Perrydale, 52.4; Dallas, 63.0; Monmouth, 70.1; Airlie, 79.4.
From official time tables, 1887. Running time, Portland to Dundee Jt., 3 hours; Dundee to Lafayette, 37 minutes; Sheridan Jt. to Airlie, 2 hours, 30 minutes; Ray's Landing to Coburg, 8 hours.